The Court said, ‘…We are of the considered view that there is nothing in art. 42 of the Federal Constitution which curtails or limits the powers of the YDPA to grant the Pardon to the first appellant. If the intention was to limit it to sentence only, it should have been clearly stated in the Federal Constitution. It is not for the court to add any words. We find that the plain words of the relevant article of the Federal Constitution do not exclude the granting of a pardon in respect of a conviction…’ Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim V.Mohd Khairul Azam Abdul Aziz & Another Appeal [2023] 2 CLJ 236
What is the King's Pardon Powers? Can the King's Pardon include an order for a convicted prisoner to serve his prison sentence at home, and not in prison? OR is the King's Pardon powers just restricted to reducing prison sentence, or releasing him? The Courts have made it clear that it is the duty of PARLIAMENT to clarify the law by needed amendments - It is not for the court to add any words. We find that the plain words of the relevant article of the Federal Constitution do not exclude the granting of a pardon in respect of a conviction…’. Parliament should clearly state what is allowed and what is excluded with respect to King's pardon powers. So, why has Parliament not addressed this issue yet.
NAJIB's CASE developments of late
The Federal Court allowed NEW EVIDENCE, being the Addendum to the Pardon - BUT the issue is just that. It is not a determination that the ADDENDUM is valid, and ought to be obeyed unquestioningly...
Former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak is now cleared to pursue his legal challenge over an addendum or “supplementary order” issued by the former King permitting him to serve the remainder of his reduced sentence under house arrest.... “Its status vis-a-vis its validity or whether its true needs to be ascertained at the substantive judicial review hearing which we do not consider it right or fair for us to express any view on this point at this stage...- Star, 13/8/2025.
NOW, we have to wait for the High Court to begin hearing the substantive Judicial Review application...
Remember, Malaysia had NO King until MERDEKA ... until the Federal Constitution...
King's POWERS are determined by the Federal Constitution and existing LAWS - and all this can be changed by Parliament - even the Federal Constitution has been amended more than 50 times...and even the King's powers had been reduced...
Before, a law will not become a law after Dewan Rakyat and the Senate passes it - it still needed the King's assent ... but that law was changed and now reads as follows following a Constitutional Amendment in 1983
Article 66 Federal Constitution Exercise of legislative power(4) The Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall within thirty days after a Bill is presented to him assent to the Bill by causing the Public Seal to be affixed thereto.
(4A) If a Bill is not assented to by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong within the time specified in Clause (4), it shall become law at the expiration of the time specified in that Clause in the like manner as if he had assented thereto
Thereafter, the power of the King to BLOCK laws was extinguished - even if the King does not assent '...it shall become law at the expiration of the time specified in that Clause in the like manner as if he had assented thereto...' after the 30 day time limit expires. Hence, the King no longer had the power to block any LAW (or even Constitutional amendment) which the Dewan Rakyat(House of Representatives) and the Senate has passed.
The King's power is LIMITED by law. Generally he acts as ADVISED by...and this means he is to do as ADVISED ( '...shall accept and act in accordance with such advice...') he cannot act in any other way, nor can he REJECT to do what was advised. It is thus WRONG to lay blame on the King - for blame really should lie on the person(usually the Prime Minister) or body that advises the King.
40 Yang di-Pertuan Agong to act on advice
(1) In the exercise of his functions under this Constitution or federal law the Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall act in accordance with the advice of the Cabinet or of a Minister acting under the general authority of the Cabinet, except as otherwise provided by this Constitution; but shall be entitled, at his request, to any information concerning the government of the Federation which is available to the Cabinet.
(1A) In the exercise of his functions under this Constitution or federal law, where the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is to act in accordance with advice, on advice, or after considering advice, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall accept and act in accordance with such advice....
In the case of PARDONS too, the King/Rulers is expected to act on advice of the Pardon's Board..
Article 42 Power of pardon, etc.
(4) The powers mentioned in this Article—
(a) are, so far as they are exercisable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, among functions with respect to which federal law may make provision under Clause (3) of Article 40;
(b) shall, so far as they are exercisable by the Ruler or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of a State, be exercised on the advice of a Pardons Board constituted for that State in accordance with Clause (5).
# Some may argue, that there is NO Specific Provision saying the King too shall act on the advise of the Pardons Board, as was clearly stated with regard the other Rulers or Yang Di-Pertuan Negeri in Article 42(4)(b). But then there is also NO provision allowing the King to act on his own contrary to the advice of the Pardons Board - so, in my opinion, it does not give any King the power to make Pardon Orders or Addendum Pardon Orders, unless it was specifically advised by the Pardon's Board.
It must be noted that in our Federal Constitution, there is a SPECIFIC PROVISION that lists out situations where the King may act in his discretion - that means Act on his own without being BOUND to act as advised...Article 40 Yang di-Pertuan Agong to act on advice
(2) The Yang di-Pertuan Agong may act in his discretion in the performance of the following functions, that is to say:
(a) the appointment of a Prime Minister;
(b) the withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of Parliament;
(c) the requisition of a meeting of the Conference of Rulers concerned solely with the privileges, position, honours and dignities of Their Royal Highnesses, and any action at such a meeting,
and in any other case mentioned in this Constitution.
AND in any other case mentioned in this Constitution., where in my opinion, it must be most clear that the King can act on his own, without being bound to MANDATORILY act as advised by others...
In the exercise of PARDON POWERS, in my opinion, there is no such provision, and thus the King must act as advised by the Pardons Board.
Now, finally it has been CONFIRMED that in Najib's case, beside the PARDON ORDER, there is another document, an 'addendum Pardon' which may have been an Addendum issued on the advice of the Pardons Board - or the Addendum may be just the King acting on his own(not as advised to the Pardons' Board) - Hopefully this will be determined at the Judicial Review application before the High Court. We shall wait and see...
[6] On 12.2.2024, the respondent claimed to have received clear and reliable information that in addition to the Pardons Order dated 29.1.2024, the YDPA had issued a supplementary order (hereinafter referred to as "the Addendum Order") which states that the respondent is to serve a reduced sentence of his imprisonment under condition of home arrest, instead of being confined in Kajang Prison or any other prison.
[7] The respondent instructed his solicitors to confirm the details of the Addendum Order with the learned Attorney General (AG) by way of a letter dated 14.2.2024 which was copied to the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister.
[8] By 22.3.2024, the matter had reached the Minister of Home Affairs regarding, inter alia, the existence of the Addendum Order. The matter was also brought to the attention of the Pardons Board for the Territories of Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and Putrajaya, as well as the Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Law and Institutional Reform) and Director General Of Legal Affairs Division in the Prime Minister's Department on 29.3.2024.
[9] Thereafter, in April 2024 the respondent filed an application for leave for Judicial Review under O. 53 of the Rules of Court 2012 seeking for mandamus orders to compel the appellant to do the following acts:
(i) To confirm the existence of the Addendum Order dated 29.1.2024 which provided that the respondent is to serve a reduced term of imprisonment under house arrest;
(ii) To provide the respondent with a copy of the Pardons Order and the Addendum Order dated 29.1.2024; and
(iii) Consequently, the respondent is to serve the remainder of the prison sentence under house arrest at his residence in Kuala Lumpur.
Source: Federal Court Judgment, Dato' Sri Mohd Najib Tun Haji Abdul Razak vs . Menteri Dalam Negeri & Ors, dated 13/8/2025, [2025] CLJU 1956
The Federal Court was ONLY concerned about whether the Addendum Order could be adduced as evidence, as this document appeared after the High Court application for leave...
'...But as of now, the Addendum Order exists and its status vis-à-vis its validity or whether it is true, needs to be ascertained at the substantive hearing, which we do not consider it right or fair for us to express any view on this point at this stage. It is a point for further investigation on a full inter partes basis with all such evidence as is necessary on the facts and all such arguments as is necessary on the law...'.
So, let's not jump the gun...
[21] Be that as it may, although there was a concession with regards to the existence of the purported Addendum Order, we need to emphasize that:
• Firstly, it is not our judgment herein that the Addendum Order is part of the Pardons Order and neither are we saying that it is not. It is premature at this stage for this Court to make such a determination.
• Secondly, despite the existence of the Addendum Order, that by itself, does not translate into automatic admissibility of the same. The respondent still has to satisfy the rule and criteria as to the admission of the Addendum Order as new evidence, which we will address accordingly in our judgment.
• Thirdly, the existence of the Addendum Order does not automatically render the Addendum Order as valid. This issue would have to be determined at the substantive hearing in the Judicial Review proceedings, if leave is granted. In this context Article 42 of the Federal Constitution takes center stage, namely:...
Many questions hopefully will be resolved by the Court including
1 - The validity of a King's Pardon, if it was not as advised by the Pardon Board?
2 - Whether PARDON POWERS include to order house arrest for the remaining of the prison sentence?
Anwar Ibrahim and government, SILENCE, 'denial' and finally the Attorney General conceded to the FACT there existed an ADENDUM -
For a long time, our Prime Minister, Attorney General or government DID NOT CONFIRM WHETHER THERE WAS AN ADDENDUM ORDER or not.Anwar Ibrahim and government, SILENCE, 'denial' and finally the Attorney General conceded to the FACT there existed an ADENDUM
...it is pertinent to note that in the midst of submissions by the learned AG before us, there was a concession made by the learned AG that the Addendum Order exists.
[20] This concession has a great impact on the Questions posed before us, in particular the Questions relating to the existence of the disputed new evidence.
Najib's Pardon was dated 29/1/2024, and the what is alleged to be the Addendum Order was also dated the same..
So the question is - Did Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim NOT KNOW of the King's Addendum Order? If so, this is most shocking - and the competence of the Prime Minister and the government comes into question
Did the PM and the Government KNOW about the order, and chose to IGNORE or 'cover it up'? This would have been most WRONG. If the PM and government knew of that Addendum Order, they should have been TRANSPARENT - and inform the people. If the PM and Government believed that the Addendum Order was invalid, illegal or cannot be acted on - they should have gone to court to NULLIFY it or declare it illegal or void for whatever legal reason..
This current PM always talks about LOYALTY to the King - was he disloyal in this case?
AS mentioned earlier, Parliament makes LAWS - and the issue of PARDONS needs a law that clarifies matters...
I tabled a Motion on this matters at the Malaysian Bar AGM, but it could not debated and voted on as I could not make it to the Bar AGM on that day. Anyway, it provides the reasons why we need LAW or Constitutional Amendments to clarify matters about Pardon - Can the King one day order a criminal to serve out his sentence in a 5-Star Hotel? Not realistic - that is why we, the people, through Parliament must set the LIMITS, etc
Until Najib's Pardon, King's pardon is about commuting sentence from death penalty to imprisonment, shortening prison terms, or ordering the release of convicted...
Pardon powers has become a controversy since Anwar Ibrahim has been pardoned. Can the King overturn a conviction by court, and declare a CONVICTED CRIMINAL Innocent? I think NOT - Only the courts have the power to OVERTURN a conviction.
There is a provision in the Federal Constitution, '(a) are, so far as they are exercisable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, among functions with respect to which federal law may make provision under Clause (3) of Article 40' - BUT there is still NO MUCH NEEDED Federal Law yet...and, it should have been tabled so much earlier, and Anwar Ibrahim must do it so... to clarify what kind of Pardon Orders the King or State Ruler can make..
Motion on Pardon in Malaysia – Parliament Must Clarify Scope of Pardon Powers, Procedures and Other Matters related by amending Constitution and/or enacting needed Federal Laws
Whereas
1. PARDON powers are conferred on the King and Rulers or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the State by the Federal Constitution, when Malaysia obtained Independence.
2. The power of Pardon is provided for in Article 42 of Federal Constitution as laid out below: -
(1) The Yang di-Pertuan Agong has power to grant pardons, reprieves and respites in respect of all offences which have been tried by court-martial and all offences committed in the Federal Territories of Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and Putrajaya; and the Ruler or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of a State has power to grant pardons, reprieves and respites in respect of all other offences committed in his State.
(2) Subject to Clause (10), and without prejudice to any provision of federal law relating to remission of sentences for good conduct or special services, any power conferred by federal or State law to remit, suspend or commute sentences for any offence shall be exercisable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong if the sentence was passed by a court-martial or by a civil court exercising jurisdiction in the Federal Territories of Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and Putrajaya and, in any other case, shall be exercisable by the Ruler or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the State in which the offence was committed.(3) Where an offence was committed wholly or partly outside the Federation or in more than one State or in circumstances which make it doubtful where it was committed, it shall be treated for the purposes of this Article as having been committed in the State in which it was tried. For the purpose of this Clause the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur, the Federal Territory of Labuan and the Federal Territory of Putrajaya, shall each be regarded as a State.
3. In the Federal Constitution, there is provision for the enactment of a Federal Law, as can be seen in Article 42(4)(a) ‘… (4) The powers mentioned in this Article—(a) are, so far as they are exercisable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, among functions with respect to which federal law may make provision under Clause (3) of Article 40;…’
4. However, to date, there is still NO SUCH FEDERAL LAW, which could clearly state clearly matters of procedure, rights of parties and other matters concerning Pardon powers of the King and/or State Rulers.5. Of late, several new issues have been raised concerning the scope of the Pardon Powers of the King and/or State Rulers, amongst others, include
a. Whether the Pardon Powers of the King ought to be limited to sentence, or does it
also include overturning of convictions of the Court?;b. Whether the Pardon Powers are only limited to commutation of sentences (like from death penalty to life imprisonment or imprisonment for a certain term), to reducing prison sentences, and/or to ending imprisonment and causing the release of the convicted?
c. Whether the Pardon Powers includes the power to order the sentence of imprisonment in prison to be converted to ‘house arrest’, or imprisonment in any
other facility? andd. Whether the Pardon Powers include the power of ordering special privileges be accorded to a prisoner serving a prison sentence?
6. The Courts seems to have taken the position that they will strictly follow the Constitution and/or the law. Rightly or wrongly, the Courts seem to say that If the law does not specifically curtail or limit, then the Court will allow it.
7. The Court said, ‘…We are of the considered view that there is nothing in art. 42 of the Federal Constitution which curtails or limits the powers of the YDPA to grant the Pardon to the first appellant. If the intention was to limit it to sentence only, it should have been clearly stated in the Federal Constitution. It is not for the court to add any words. We find that the plain words of the relevant article of the Federal Constitution do not exclude the granting of a pardon in respect of a conviction…’ Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim V.Mohd Khairul Azam Abdul Aziz & Another Appeal [2023] 2 CLJ 2368. The words, ‘If the intention was to limit it to sentence only, it should have been clearly stated in the Federal Constitution’ clearly pushes it back to Parliament to clearly decide and state the exact scope and matters related to Pardon Powers of the King and/or Rulers – what are the limits of Pardon Powers? Procedures? Etc.? Parliament to date has yet to deal with this matter.
9. Procedural matters concerning Pardon that have arose of late that need clarification by Parliament include, amongst others,
a) The pardon powers lie with the King and/or State Rulers, the question is WHO shall make or hand down the Pardon Orders – Should Pardon Orders of the King and/or State Rulers personally, be it by way of a letter/document be signed and issued by the King/State Rulers personally, be it through their own letterhead or palace letterhead? Or should it be by way of a letter and/or document issued by the
relevant Pardons Board? After tendering the advice, it is the King and/or State Ruler that issues the Pardon order – thus it is ODD that Pardon Orders are pronounced by any Pardons Board.;b) When a Pardon is issued by the King and/or State Rulers, who should the King or State Rulers send the Pardon Orders to – the Prime Minister or the Chief Minister of the State, or some other person/s? In the case, of the alleged addendum Pardon Order, it was alleged that it was not sent to the Prime Minister but to the then Attorney General? Reasonably, all Pardons, be it by the King or State Rulers, it should be send to the Prime Minister as he/she is ultimately responsible for all prisoners on death row, and/or in prison serving out their sentences. There could additional requirement to send it to other persons like the State Chief Minister and/or the Attorney General – but reasonably it should also be send to the Prime Minister.; and
c) In the event, on receipt of the said King’s Pardon Order, if the Prime Minister and/or the State is unclear or dissatisfied, what is the procedure for an application of clarification OR review/reconsideration or appeal? Should or can it send back to the King and/or State Ruler for variation? Or should it be dealt with by way of Judicial Review?
10. Other matters about pardon powers of the King and/or State Rulers, amongst others, that need to be considered by Parliament include: -a) When can the convicted present a petition to the King or State Rulers applying for a Pardon? Can it be done before the appeals on conviction are completed? Can it be done immediately after the last appeal is dismissed? Or should it be done after the convicted has served a certain number of years in prison? When can the 2 nd and/or subsequent petitions of Pardon be submitted?
b) At present, only the Attorney General has a right to be heard, so, should the right to be heard also be accorded to the victims of the said crimes before the King and/or State Rulers make a decision on Pardon applications? A rape victim or a murder victim’s family views ought to be justly considered by King and/or State Rulers before a decision is made on Pardons.;
c) Given that the King and/or State Rulers are to act on the advice of the Pardon Board members, one consideration is also the required qualification of Pardon Board members, other than the Attorney General and the Minister (or Chief Minister). Is the appointment of these other Pardon Board members, on the advice of the Prime Minister or State Chief Minister, or it is solely up to the King and/or State Ruler acting on his own to choose whoever he pleases?
11. It must be remembered that Malaysian King or Yang Di-Pertuan Agung did not exist before Merdeka, and was created vide the Federal Constitution and laws when Malaysia gained its Independence. Tuanku Sir Abdul Rahman ibni Almarhum Tuanku Muhammad, the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan Abdul Rahman, was elected as the first Yang di-Pertuan Agong on 31/8/1957(Independence Day) for a five-year term pursuant to the Federal Constitution.12. Likewise, the powers of King and/or State Rulers, including pardon powers, came by way of the Federal Constitution. The Malaysian Federal Constitution, since then have been amended by Parliament many times, and some of these amendments also affected the Powers of the King and/or State Rulers.
13. One significant amendment of the Federal Constitution was about ‘Royal Assent’. In the past, without the King’s Royal Assent, laws passed by Dewan Rakyat and Senate will not become law. This ability of the King to block laws by withholding Royal Assent was removed vide Constitution (Amendment) Act 1984 (Act A584), and Constitution (Amendment) Act 1994 (Act A885). Today, Article 66 ‘….(4) The Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall within thirty days after a Bill is presented to him assent to the Bill by causing the Public Seal to be affixed thereto. (4A) If a Bill is not assented to by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong within the time specified in Clause (4), it shall become law at the expiration of the time specified in that Clause in the like manner as if he had assented thereto.’
14. In brief, all powers of the King and/or State Rulers came about by reason of the Malaysian Federal Constitution, and this includes powers that are called ‘prerogative powers’ or ‘royal prerogative powers’. Parliament can at any time make changes to these powers.
15. It is clear in Malaysia, that it is the people vide their elected representatives, the
Members of Parliament, and their State appointees (the Senators) who have the power to determine the scope of the powers of the King and/or State Rulers. These powers can be clarified, removed and/or added on as per the wish of the Malaysian people as required.Therefore, it is resolved
A. That the Malaysian Bar call for the amendment of the Federal Constitution and/or the enactment of Federal Law to clarify the scope, procedures and/or matters related to Pardon powers of Kings/Rulers;B. That the Malaysian Bar also call on the various States Legislative Assemblies or State Parliaments to also clarify the scope, procedures and/or matters related to Pardon powers of State Rulers by the amendment of State’s Constitution and/or the
enactment of relevant State Enactments or laws;C. That the Bar Council and the Malaysian Bar do whatsoever necessary including but not limited to assist in proposing, drafting and formulation of needed changes to
Constitution/s and/or laws to give effect to this Resolution of the Bar.Motion proposed by:
Charles Hector Fernandez
BC/C/712
28/2/2025
(# Unfortunately, for personal reasons I could not attend this AGM, and the Motion was not debated and voted on)
AMEND THE CONSTITUTION AND/OR ENACT A LAW THAT CLEARLY STATES KING'S POWERS ON PARDON - AND ALL RELATED MATTERS.
See also
Pardon reforms needed. The King's pardon - the role of the PM and government of the day? Victim's rights? BERSIH Protest? Prisoner Najib posting on FB?
Federal Court clears Najib of final hurdle to have High Court hear purported house arrest order challenge
- Today's Federal Court decision upheld the Court of Appeal's January 6 decision granting leave to Najib to adduce new evidence and have the case merits heard before a new High Court judge.
- The Federal Court said the addendum's validity now needed to be ventilated before the High Court in a full hearing after having its existence proven.
- Najib will continue to serve the remainder of his sentence in Kajang Prison until the full disposal of his judicial review case at the High Court.
PUTRAJAYA, Aug 13 — Former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak is now cleared to pursue his legal challenge over an addendum or “supplementary order” issued by the former King permitting him to serve the remainder of his reduced sentence under house arrest.
This follows the Federal Court's three-member bench unanimous decision to dismiss the Attorney General’s Chambers’ (AGC) appeal against a lower court decision to grant Najib leave to proceed with his court case seeking house arrest.
The Federal Court said the addendum order's existence has been previously confirmed following concessions made by the Attorney General in previous hearings despite its validity being inconclusive at this stage.
“Its status vis-a-vis its validity or whether its true needs to be ascertained at the substantive judicial review hearing which we do not consider it right or fair for us to express any view on this point at this stage.
“It is a point for further investigation on a full inter partes basis with all such evidence as is necessary on the facts and all such arguments as is necessary on the law.
“Consequently we remit the case to the High Court for the hearing of substantive judicial review proceedings before a new judge,” Federal Court judge Datuk Zabariah Mohd Yusof said in delivering the panel’s decision.
The three-member Federal Court bench was led by Chief Judge of Malaya Tan Sri Hasnah Mohammed Hashim and included Zabariah as well as Datuk Hanipah Farikullah.
In delivering the Federal Court’s hour-long judgment, Zabariah said Najib — as the respondent — had demonstrated efforts to obtain information to confirm the details of the addendum dated January 29, 2024 through his solicitors as early as February 12 the same year.
The bench also noted Najib’s relentless attempt to obtain confirmation via the Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Pardons Board and the Director-General of Legal Affairs of the PM’s Department, to which all were met with a dead end.
Apart from the relentless and repeated attempts to obtain the addendum by Najib, Zabariah said there is also the issue of the sensitive nature of the document and the strict protocol of the matters involving the Palace.
She said it was not until January this year, a letter — addressed to Najib’s son Datuk Muhammad Nizar — from the comptroller of the Sultan of Pahang’s royal household Datuk Ahmad Khirrizal Ab Rahman confirmed the existence of the addendum.
She said the focus is on the facts of the present appeal whether Najib has satisfied the requirements of Rule 7 of Rules of Court of Appeal 1994 (RCA) to admit the fresh evidence.
This fresh evidence sought to be admitted among others, included a copy of the disputed addendum itself obtained from the Pahang Palace.
“In relation to the requirement of “determining influence” under Rule 7(3A)(b); the issue is whether the addendum order would have a determining influence on the High Court decision.
“This court cannot for certain dismiss the addendum order as not forming part of the Pardons Order of the Pardons Board and neither can we, at this juncture for certain, say that it is.
“However, it is our view that, following the precise words in Rule 7(3A) (b) of the RCA, the addendum order, “if true, would have had or would have been likely to have had a determining influence upon the decision of the High Court” in the judicial review application.
“Given the aforesaid, it is our judgment that the respondent has satisfied the elements under Rule 7 (3A) RCA to admit the addendum order as new evidence to be used at the substantive hearing of the judicial review application,” she said.
Despite the existence of the addendum having been confirmed by the AG himself, Zabariah emphasised that it neither translates into automatic admissibility of the same nor render it as valid.
In a 2-1 majority decision on January 6, a three-member appellate court bench remitted the case on Najib’s claim of the existence of an additional document — purportedly allowing him to serve the remainder of his six-year prison sentence under house arrest — to the High Court to be heard on its merits.
In his application for leave to seek judicial review filed on April 1, 2024, Najib claimed Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah issued the order during the January 29, 2024 meeting of the board, for the former to serve the remainder of his reduced sentence under house arrest.
Other reliefs sought by Najib include for the court to compel the respondents to execute said supplementary order.
On February 2, 2024, the Pardons Board halved Najib’s sentence to six years for misappropriating funds amounting to RM42 million, which means he could be released as early as August 23, 2028.
The Pardons Board said it had also decided to reduce his RM210 million fine to RM50 million, and his early release would be contingent on him paying this amount. - Malay Mail, 13/8/2025
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