Friday, April 07, 2006

MIGRANTS AND RIGHTS IN MALAYSIA

MIGRANTS AND RIGHTS IN MALAYSIA

More Important Than Rights is the Access to Justice


Migrants are human beings not commodities. Migrants are father, mother, brother, sister, husband ,wife , son, daughter and uncle to other human persons. Migrant workers are workers entitled to equal treatment and all rights accorded to any worker. Migrant workers come to Malaysia, leaving their families and homes behind, to earn a living to support themselves and many a time their families back home. Many migrants do not have much of a choice, for the means of earning a living is scarce in their home country.

Today, there are about 1.8 million registered (or documented) migrant workers in Malaysia[i]. 15 countries now supply workers in various employment sectors in Malaysia with the largest number coming from Indonesia (1.2 million ) followed by Nepal which provides 170,000 workers.[ii] Other sending countries include India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam, Timor Leste and the Philippines

According to government estimates[iii], there is an equivalent number of unregistered (or undocumented) migrant workers in Malaysia, and today that means 1.8 million undocumented workers. It is my opinion that the actual figure of unregistered (or undocumented) migrant workers in Malaysia is about 5 million.[iv] This estimate is supported by the fact that In 2004, based on official entry-exit records, there were about 5,852,997 persons or 38% of the total arrivals overstaying. Now undocumented migrants can enter Malaysia easily by sea and land, avoiding immigration and customs authorities and that is the manner of entry employed by the majority of undocumented migrants.

Malaysian labour force for the 3rd quarter of 2005 according to the Malaysian Department of Statistics was 10,498,600[v] and that means that number of migrant workers (both documented and undocumented) is about 30% to 50% of the total Malaysian labour force. This fact of the growing number of migrant workers in Malaysia also tally with the figures of persons in the Malaysian prisons, where it was disclosed that 25% of the prison community were foreigners in 2003, and in 2004 it was stated that the number of foreigners exceed the number of local Malaysian in prisons.[vi] A recent report also did state that out of Malaysia’s 10.5 million strong labour force, 2.6 million are foreign workers.[vii]

Migrants in Malaysia are from a variety of countries, and this also include countries like Iran, Cambodia, Namibia, South Africa, China, Singapore, Nigeria, Peru, France, Taiwan, Columbia, Congo, Argentina and Uzbekistan.[viii]

Statistics obtained by the Bar Council Legal Aid Center (Kuala Lumpur) showed that migrant nationality breakdown in 2004 at the Sungai Buloh prison was Indonesia(174), India(75), Burma(67), Bangladeshi (47), Pakistani (24) and others (41). Others included those from Iran, Cambodia, Namibia, South Africa, China, Singapore, Vietnam, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Thailand, Nigeria, Peru and even France. Statistics obtained about migrant nationality breakdown in yet another prison, the Kajang Women Prison was: Indonesia(167), China(70), Philippines(57), Thailand (45), Vietnam(27), Taiwan(18), Burma(17), Cambodia (17) and Others(50). Others were from Bangladesh, Columbia, Congo, Argentina, Uzbekistan and Sri Lanka.

Whilst the majority are economic migrants, there is also a significant number of political migrants and/or refugees, and this would include the Acehnese, Burmese, Thais and also Filipinos.

Migrant workers are employed primarily in the construction, plantation, manufacturing and service sectors. There is also 320,000 registered foreign housemaids in Malaysia, of which 308,000 or about 96 percent are Indonesians. [ix]

There is also a large number of foreign sex workers in Malaysia where it is estimated that about 142,000 women involved in sex work. It was recently reported that in 2005, a total of 6,446 alleged sex workers were arrested, an increase of 12 percent from the previous year. Topping the list of foreigners arrested were Chinese citizens, who numbered some 2,824. Indonesians arrested was 1,606, Thais at 910, while the number of Filipinos arrested was 742. Other foreign nationals arrested for prostitution in 2005 included Vietnamese, Uzbeks, Indians and Cambodians.[x]

MIGRANTS AND THEIR RIGHTS UNDER MALAYSIAN LAW

Article 8 of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia provides that “All Persons are equal before the law and is entitled to equal protection of the law” and by the use of term “person” as opposed to ‘citizen’ makes it most clear that this guarantee of rights extends also to all persons, including migrant workers, be they documented or undocumented. 6 out of the 13 Articles under Part II of the Federal Constitution entitled ‘Fundamental Liberties’ uses the word “persons” as opposed to :”citizens”.[xi]

Arrest and Detention

Generally when a person is arrested in Malaysia, he/she must be brought before a Magistrate within 24 hours if the police wants to further detain him/her for purposes of investigation, and the police can with remand orders obtained from the magistrate detain a person up to a maximum of 14 days only.

However, when it comes “…to a person, other than a citizen, who is arrested or detained under the law relating to immigration…”, the police can arrest and detain him/her for a period of up to fourteen days before being compelled by law to produce the person before the Magistrate. Many migrant workers, when arrested, are held by the police for more than 24 hours in reliance of this provision. What is not clear is how long can persons under this category be remanded for?

Although, there is no provision that allows the police to resort to torture in the conduct of their investigation, there has been many reported incidence of torture in police custody. In February 2005, it was revealed that from 1990 until September 2004, there was a total of 1,583 deaths amongst prisoners recorded in the 28 prisons nationwide, with the highest number being in 2003 when 279 inmates died. During the same period 150 detainees died in police lock-ups or custody.[xii]

It must be pointed out that till this day in Malaysia there is no right to one phone call after being arrested and no right to immediate access to a lawyer (let alone friends, family and/or employer) in Malaysia.

Bail

The migrant has a right to be released on bail just like any other citizen. The disadvantage the migrant faces is the fact that he is a possible flight risk, and as such courts, even when they do grant bail generally imposes an additional conditions when it comes to foreigners like requiring their travel documents to be deposited in court. The other condition that is usually imposed is the requirement that the surety must be a Malaysian citizen.

In Malaysia, after being charged and one is allowed bail, money has to be deposited in court and the surety will have no access to this monies until the trial ends. When it comes to a foreigner, many a Malaysian worry about the fact that accused may abscond and if and when that happens the bail money could be lost forever – and as such it is indeed a difficulty task for migrants to find local persons to stand as sureties. The result is that many end up in the remand prisons languishing for months (even years) as they wait for their day in court .

In the past, it was a popular perception that it was near impossible for a migrant worker charged with a criminal offence to be released on bail pending his trial and sadly many did not even apply, let alone try to apply for bail.

In a case, that I personally handled some years ago, which involved 6 foreign nationals[xiii], the court in the first instance refused bail. But persistence, which included an application to the High Court for a revision finally resulted in the Magistrate allowing bail for these foreigners. In this case, the foreign nationals came to Malaysia on a social visit pass, which had expired during their detention, but even this did not stop the court from allowing the said accused persons to be released on bail. The Magistrate in this case even went further to direct the Immigration Department to issue Special Passes so that these foreigners could remain in Malaysia legally whilst waited for their day in court. The Court also did issue the necessary letters to the Immigration Department to facilitate in the application for Special Passes for these persons.

MIGRANTS AND THE EMPLOYMENT LAWS

In Malaysia, migrant workers have access to the Labour Court[xiv] and the Industrial Courts[xv] just like the local worker. The problem is that when Migrants come to the country, their very presence and their ability to work legally is linked to a work permit, which stipulates a particular employer. And when a migrant worker wants to refer his rightful claim to the Labour Court and/or the Industrial Relations Department, the usual thing that happens is that the employer immediately terminates his work permit and cease giving him employment, wages and board. Without a valid work permit, a migrant worker cannot legally work and earn a living in Malaysia. As such although a migrants has a right in law, the claiming of this right is practically impossible.

The case of Rajakannu Boopathy & 39 Others (The Gopis Construction Case) – at the Labour Court

In the case of Rajakannu Boopathy & 39 other Indian nationals, donations had to be sought to pay for food and board of these migrant workers whilst they pursued their claim against their employer, one Gopis Construction (Malaysia) Sdn Bhd, at the Seremban Labour Court. The minimum cost of maintaining one of this migrant was about RM5-00 per day, and that did not include money required for rental, utility bills and travel cost to and from the court.

At all times during their struggle for justice, these migrant workers ran the risk of being arrested and detained for not having proper travel documents and/or visa to allow them to continue to stay in Malaysia. They could legally not work and earn a living and had to rely on donations and goodwill of others. The Immigration Department finally agreed to issue Special Passes to allow them to stay legally in Malaysia, but not to work. RM100-00 was needed for a one-month special pass for each worker

Their claim was for wages of 3 to 6 months that their employer did not pay, and for the balance of wages based on their initially agreed wages right from the first day they started working in Malaysia until the day they filed their action in the Labour Court.

In this case the employer had gone to India, conducted interviews and skills test and thereafter made each worker a definite offer which included salary. Thereafter, in accordance to the requirements of Indian Law, they signed the standard form employment agreement which very clearly stipulates the wages they will receive, as well as their other employment rights. The workers signed the employment agreement before an authorized agent of Indian Protector of Emigrants (POE), and thereafter the employer signed the agreement before a designated officer of the Indian High Commission in Kuala Lumpur. Unfortunately original copies of the agreement were not given to the worker, and finally only a photocopy of this agreement was obtained from their agent in India.

After this POE employment agreement was executed, to comply with the requirements of the Malaysian Immigration Department, the employer that required the duly executed employment agreement to be submitted together with the application of a work permit, the employer rather than submitting the POE agreement did prepare another agreement, whereby in this agreement was far less than the sum stated in the POE Employment Agreement.

Before departure, the workers had to sign a whole lot of documents, whereby the workers unknowingly were made to sign yet another simple employment agreement, and this was on an official stamp paper (i.e. a document equivalent to a Statutory Declaration which had to be affirmed before a Judge and/or a Commissioner of Oaths). The employer left the space where the wages per month should have written in blank, and thereafter kept the originals of this stamped agreement with him.

It must be stated that the workers were generally unaware that they had in fact signed 2 other employment agreements, and thet only knew and believed that was only one agreement being the POE Employment Agreement.

When it came to the labour court trial, objections were made about the admissibility of the photocopied POE Employment Agreement, and as such we had to try and get an original copy of the said POE Agreement, which should have been kept by the POE in India and/or the Indian High Commission in Kuala Lumpur. To our dismay, both these parties did not have any copy of the original POE Agreements, let alone a photocopy of the said agreements in their possession.

The Immigration Department of Malaysia also did not have an original copy of the employment agreement submitted to them during the work permit application, and all they had was the copy of the agreement that was scanned into the computer record of the individual migrant worker.

On the other hand, the employer had in his possession the original copy of the stamped agreement.

As such, given the fact of available admissible evidence, the fact that the employer Company was financially unstable and was then on the verge of insolvency and the fact that the migrant workers had been successful in another court action at the Kuala Lumpur High Court in changing their employer and getting the right to live and work in Malaysia for at least a further 2-3 years with a Social Visit (Temporary Employment) Pass[xvi], the migrant workers made the decision to settle the case and take the minimal sum offered by their ex-employer, where the figures was based on the wages as stipulated in the Employer’s stamped paper Employment Agreement.

The Rajakannu Case – Right to Change Employer and the Right to Live and Work in Malaysia whilst they pursue their rights in law

After the filing of the case against their employer, one Gopies Construction, their employer thereafter did not provide work, wages and/or board to these migrant workers. The workers survived on the kindness of many persons but this was and could only be a very short term solution. To continue to remain in Malaysia after the expiry of the Employment Pass, they relied on RM100-00 monthly Special Pass (which only allows them to stay BUT not work

The workers, after commencing their action in the Labour Court, then applied to the Director General of Immigration to allow them to continue to live and work in Malaysia with another employer (or alternatively on their own) to enable to pursue their rights under the Malaysian labour laws.

The Immigration Department responded by calling the workers in for various interviews. The workers also identified a potential Employer and furnished the Immigration Department with Employment Agreements signed with the potential employer company, which would become effective once the Immigration Department issued the requisite Work Permits. The first application to the Immigration Department for a variation of the terms and conditions of their work permit was made on 10/10/1999.

After about 10 months had lapsed, the workers had still not received any reply with regard their applications, and finally 36 of these migrant workers[xvii] files an action in the Kuala Lumpur High Court where the Director General of Immigration and the Immigration Department of Malaysia were named as Respondents. What was sort in this case was a court order to compel the Respondents to provide a reply to the migrant workers’ application.

Being an extraordinary applications, the battle in court was intense and finally just before the court handed down a judgment, the Respondents conceded and proposed the recording of a consent judgment which stated that the Director General of Immigration shall cause to issue Social Visit (Temporary Employment) Pass to all the applicants to enable them to live in Malaysia and work with Syarikat Central Generative Sdn Bhd (being the new employer). The consent judgment was recorded on 6/12/2000.[xviii] As such there was no judgment of the court, and there was nothing that others could use to further advance migrant rights in Malaysia.

The Rajakannu Case – Contempt proceedings against the Director General of Immigrations.

Following the recording of the consent order, despite the submission of the required application forms and the payment of levy by the new employer, the DG of Immigration delayed several months before issuing the work permits. When the permits were finally issued on 19-4-2001, it was discovered that the permits were for 1 year, beginning from the date their last permits had expired and as such the majority of the workers received lapsed permits, and others got permits that would expire in a couple of months thereafter.

Various letters were sent to the DG of Immigration asking him comply with the court order and issue new valid permits but no response was forthcoming from the DG of Immigration.

Again, the workers had to go to court and this time it was to commence committal proceedings against the DG of Immigration. Leave was obtained on 24/7/2001 and committal proceedings were initiated. Again after lengthy arguments, just before the court handed down the judgment, the DG of Immigration send a letter admitting his mistake.

In a contempt proceedings, the court can order arrest and detention, fine or cost if and when a person is found to be guilty of contempt. The Court was of the opinion that when a case involving a Public Officer carrying out his public duty , then arrest and/or fine may not be available. If fine, it will the government taking out money from one pocket and putting it into the other. The only realistic punishment would be cost, and this would be punitive cost.

In light of the DG of Immigration written admission of his mistake, the agreement that the Respondent to pay the Applicants cost of the whole action and the fact that the DG of Immigration had finally issued new work permits, the court yet again recorded another consent Judgment on 10/4/2002 stating also that cost be taxed and that the DG of Immigration shall not impede an application for an extension of the work permits by these migrant workers as and when their current permits expired.

The taxing officer taxed the cost at RM10,000-00 to be paid to all the 36 applicants, and this works out to slightly more than RM250-00 per person, and this was gross injustice done to these migrants, who had no work or wages by reason of the action/omission of the Respondents for almost 30 months. The applicants applied for a review of the cost awarded by the taxing officer and until this date the matter is still at the review stage.

The Rajakannu Case – Claim for Damages & Compensation against the DG of Immigration and others

On 30/4/2001, 31 of the workers commenced a civil action claiming for loss of wages from October 1999 until a date to be determined, being a sum of about RM640,000 plus damages. This was done in light of the outcome of the earlier action and the acknowledgement of mistake by the DG of Immigration. It was then not possible to go for a claim of damages and compensation in the earlier action[xix] On the first hearing date, the Honourable Judge dismissed all the technical preliminary objections raised by the Federal Counsel and proceeded to record judgment in favour of the migrant workers. The Judge could not complete his judgment as he wanted the actual agreed salary for each individual worker. He adjourned the case and fixed another date so that this information could be provided to the court.

But on the next date, the Judge had a change of mind and asked the Federal Counsel to submit on his technical objections[xx], both of which were minor objections that could have been cured, and normally court would have asked the Plaintiffs to do the necessary to remedy these irregularities but this Judge stating that it was finally his discretion allowed the government’s lawyer’s objections and struck off the migrant workers suit with cost on 12/8/2002. The workers have since appealed to the Court of Appeal and this appeal is yet to be heard.[xxi] All we can hope for is that these migrants workers ultimately gets justice.

RIGHT TO LOVE, MARRY AND HAVE A FAMILY

Many migrant workers were having relationship with Malaysians, some even had children with locals, and some were even getting married to their local partner, and the Malaysian government reacted by allegedly[xxii] imposing a condition on work permits prohibiting marriage.

In one case, the marriage had occurred before the policy was made known and there were children of the marriage but before the matter could be taken to court the migrant husband unfortunately abandoned the wife and the family and left the country. Hence, we have to wait for another time when this matter could be brought before the court for a determination.

The fact that Malaysia today has ratified/acceded the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child would have a bearing in such cases since Article 3(1) is most clear that now the “..best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration”.

The fact that there exist children of migrants in Malaysia has just recently been acknowledged by the Malaysian government. In Sabah, one of the 13 States of Malaysia, where it was recently reported that there are about 36,000 children of migrants. It is good to note that special schools will be set up to cater for these children. What exactly is the number of children of migrants is still a mystery? What about children of a migrant with a Malaysian? Would the Migrant Parent be allowed to stay on in Malaysia with their children or would they be forced to return home? Will they be given multiple entry visas to enable them to have frequent visits to be able to spend adequate time with their children? Maybe, in the Maruly Azis case, the court will finally provide some answers to many of these questions.

MARULY AZIS CASE – THE RELEVANCE OF THE CRC.

In this case, the father, an Indonesian came to Malaysia in 1978. He applied and got an Entry Permit, and was then issued a National Registration Identity Card (NRIC) with a permanent resident status. He went back to Indonesia, married one Romita Hasibuan (an Indonesian national) and brought her back to Malaysia. Romita was able to stay in Malaysia by virtue of a “spouse visa”, which was a 6-month visa that had to be applied for by her husband. The marriage had resulted in 4 children, and by virtue of Malaysian law, all these children were Malaysian citizens. All the children were born in Malaysia, lived their lives in Malaysia and also was in Malaysian schools. On 23-3-2005, Abdul Mutalib went with his son, Maruly Azis, to the National Registration Department to apply for his son’s identity card (as he had reached the age of 12[xxiii]). Abdul Mutalib was then wrongly arrested, wrongly detained and thereafter wrongly deported back to Indonesia. The government claimed that he was a prohibited immigrant and he could not remain in Malaysia. Romita, the wife, being an Indonesian national also would not be able to stay on in Malaysia when her “spouse visa” expired. A campaign was initiated with the call to allow Romita and her family to be able to continue to live in Malaysia as one family.[xxiv]

As time of the expiry of the “spouse visa” drew near, a court action[xxv] had to be filed, and an application was made to enable Romita to continue to stay with her 4 children on 23/9/2006. On 26/9/2003, the applicants managed to get an ex-parte ad-interim order allowing Romita to stay until this application was heard and disposed off inter-parte. At the inter-parte hearing, the Federal Counsel proposed that a consent order be recorded to the effect that Romita could continue to stay with the children until the end of this case, and that the immigration Department would issue her a gratuitious special pass, whereby she would not have to make any payment until the whole suit is heard and disposed of. This order was recorded on 28/11/2005. Again, there will be no judgment recorded in this matter where there was reliance on the Child Rights Convention[xxvi]. This case is still pending, and the Immigration Department has issued the Special Pass to Romita.

For the sake of completion, Abdul Mutalib and Puan Romita also did file another suit against the Home Minister & 2 Ors, and this is also pending at the time of writing.

MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS

There are today 320,000 registered foreign housemaids in Malaysia, and out of this 96 per cent or 308,000 are Indonesian migrant workers. There is very little of no protection for domestic workers in Malaysia’s employment laws at the moment.

“Domestic servant” is mentioned in the Employment Act 1955, and it means “ a person employed in connection with work of a private dwelling-house and not in connection with any trade, business, profession carried on by the employer in such dwelling house and includes a cook, house servant, butler, child’s nurse, valet, footman, gardener, washerman or washerwoman, watchman, groom and driver or cleaner of any vehicle licensed for private use.” In Malaysia, save for driving, a migrant domestic worker normally ends up doing all of these different jobs.

With regard the domestic servant, it is clearly stated that the following sections and/or Parts of the Employment Act are not applicable to them, being:-

Sec. 12 (Notice of termination of Contract)

Sec.14 (Termination of Contract for Special Reasons)

16 (Employees on Estates to be provided with minimum number of days’ work in each month)

22 (Limitation on advances to employees)

61 (Employers Duty to Keep Register)

64 ((Employers Duty to display notice boards)

IX (Maternity Protection)

XII (Rest Days, Hours of Work, Holidays And Other Conditions of Service)

XIIA (Termination, Lay-Off And Retirement Benefits

In short, there is no protection for domestic workers under the Malaysian employment laws. Jordan has legislations to provide some rights and protections to domestic workers. In Taiwan, an Household Services Act is before their Parliament. In Malaysia, with over 320,000 domestic workers, it is time for some legislation to protect the rights of these domestic workers.

Although, the Malaysian Immigration Department “policy” or “guidelines of employment” do stipulate that a domestic worker is entitled to one day off – but in practice save for the Filipino worker, none of the other domestic workers seem to be getting any day off, let alone any time off. They are treated more like “property” than human beings. More like slaves than workers. Many do not even have the liberty to make phone calls to their families back home. Some are even given just 2 basic meals a day.

There has also many cases of abuse of domestic workers that have come to light – but alas without the freedom to leave the home (or their employers watchful eye), many may be suffering abuses in silence. Employer also hold on to passports and other travel documents of migrants, all with the alleged reason that they are afraid that the maid may run away (oh yes – run away maybe with their property or children..) Hence, there is very little opportunity for victims of abuse to even escape the abuser – let alone complain to their embassies, the Human Resource Ministry and/or the police. It comes as no surprise when the Deputy Human Resources Minister recently disclosed that only about 110 such cases mistreatment of Indonesian housemaids[xxvii] and other workers by their Malaysian employers were reported annually to the ministry since 2002[xxviii]

It must also be noted that many Malaysian employers of migrant workers, other than domestic workers, also do hold on to travel documents, wages and do deprive their employees freedom of movement and access to communication. In one shop, a Nepali worker, I spoke to recently, who has been in Malaysia several months have not even been allowed to step out of the shop – all he has seen and knows about Malaysia is what he sees from the shop entrance.

UNDOCUMENTED MIGRANT WORKERS

Some of these are really refugees from Aceh, Southern Thailand, Southern Philippines[xxix] and Burma, and of course they cannot come to Malaysia with the blessings of the sending country.

Some others come across the border because they just cannot afford the payments that they have to fork out to pay the agents and/or the various government authorities, and the fact that it is so easy and cheaper to just sail over or cross the border and find jobs here.

But alas being undocumented makes them vulnerable to abuse by the authorities, police and even “employers”.[xxx]

MIGRANTS ARE HUMAN NOT SAINTS

Migrants are human beings and not saints. Of course, there will migrant workers who abuse their employer, steal, commit murder, traffic in drugs and involve themselves in criminal activity. But what is sad is that for whatever reason, their crimes are highlighted more than others. There is no study to show conclusively that the percentage of migrants in the country involved in crime (or alleged to have committed crime) is higher than the percentage of local Malaysians involved in criminal activities. Some say the highlighting of crime committed by migrants is a strategy to get a better deal when the MOUs are signed between sending countries and receiving countries. Whatever the reason is, this perspective of migrants has resulted in prejudice against migrants.

DISCRIMINATION OF MIGRANTS BASED ON NATIONALITY

For the same work done, Indonesian migrants get the least remuneration compared with those from other countries.[xxxi] When it comes to Filipinos, they are the highest paid of all migrants.[xxxii] The cause could be that some government are more determined to protect their citizens than other government.

A BLEAK FUTURE UNLESS…

There are many other aspects of migrants and human rights that should be looked at but have not been done in this paper. Work Conditions, Exploitation by the Middle Man, Detention Conditions, Local Reaction to Migrants, Migrants and the Worker Unions and Crackdowns by the State are just some of the areas that could not be covered here.

What has been touched on is maybe just chapter one of a many chaptered book on migrant workers. Being human persons there is so many different aspects and facets of existence that need to be analyzed and discussed, and this paper only deals with a few.

There is definitely a need for legislation to protect labour rights and other rights of migrants. The 300,000 over domestic workers especially need legislation to protect their rights, There must also be a development of a mechanisms and procedures to ensure that there is real access to justice.

With the ratification/accession of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the CEDAW, there is great possibility that rights of migrants provided directly and indirectly in these conventions could be relied upon for greater recognition and protection of migrant rights.

Malaysia, with its 26 million population, has the largest disparity between the rich and the poor in Southeast Asia[xxxiii]. Malaysia’s top 10 percent of the population is 22.1 times richer than the poorest 10 percent. There is also growing unemployment within the local population. One of the reasons is the fact that Malaysian government, companies and institutions have been working towards becoming more efficient to be able to compete with the foreign companies, institutions and banks when the doors are open to free trade in compliance with the obligations of Malaysia under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Agreements, the Asean Free Trade Agreement (AFTA) and the various other Free Trade Agreements it has entered into. In this drive to become more efficient, it is labour that is sacrificed and more persons are becoming unemployed. Jobs, especially permanent jobs, are getting more and more difficult to come by. With the recent 40 cent increase of petrol price, the cost of living will also further increase. Bleak times are ahead for Malaysians, and this would also affect migrants/refugees in Malaysia.

Charles Hector

7th April 2006



[i] Vietnam News Agency (VNA), 22/9/2005 Malaysia calls for regional cooperation against illegal migrant workers” stated the figure to be 1.7 million,

[ii] Bernama Report, 6/3/2006 “Malaysia Ready To Accept More Indonesian Housemaids” By Mohd Nasir Yusoff

[iii] According to a report by Amnesty International, government statistics indicate that through 1 June 2004, there were at least 1.3 million documented migrant workers working in Malaysia (an increase of about 500,000 since 2003) and between 700,000 to 1.2 million undocumented migrant workers.

[iv] (Star 27/9/2005), Records show that 15,452,112 foreign nationals entered Malaysia in 2004 but only 9,599,125 people left the country during the year – meaning that there were about 5,852,997 or 38% of the total arrivals overstaying.

[v] Statistics obtained from the Department of Statistics, Malaysia website , http://www.statistics.gov.my

[vi] In 2003, the Deputy Home Minister stated that over 25% of prisoners on Malaysian jails were foreigners, while by June 2004 there were now more foreign prisoners than Malaysians in jails. Now, it must be factored in that many a time foreigners either are not offered bail and/or cannot afford bail – and it is also not certain whether the figures include remand prisons, being where persons not yet convicted are held.

[vii] Malaysiakini(an AFP Report), 30/3/2006 “June Signing of Pact for Indon Maids”

[viii] Statistics obtained by the Bar Council Legal Aid Centre (Kuala Lumpur) showed that migrant breakdown in 2004 at the Sungai Buloh prison was: Indonesia(174), India(75), Burma(67), Bangladeshi (47), Pakistani (24) and Others (41). Others include migrants from Iran, Cambodia, Namibia, South Africa, China, Singapore, Vietnam, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Thailand, Nigeria, Peru and France. Statistics obtained showed that migrant breakdown in the Kajang Women Prison prison was: Indonesia(167), China(70), Philippines(57), Thailand (45), Vietnam(27), Taiwan(18), Burma(17), Cambodia (17) and Others(50). Others were migrants from Bangladesh, Columbia, Congo, Argentina, Uzbekistan and Sri Lanka.

[ix] Bernama Report, 6/3/2006 “Malaysia Ready To Accept More Indonesian Housemaids” By Mohd Nasir Yusoff

[x] Malaysiakini, 22/3/2006 – “More foreign sex workers arrested last year”

[xi] Article 5 (Liberty of the Person), Article 6(Slavery and Forced Labour Prohibited), Art.7 (Prohibition against retrospective criminal laws and repeated trials), Art. 8(Equality), Art. 11(Freedom of Religion) and Article 13 (Right to Property) are amongst the 8 Articles under Part II (Fundamental Liberties) of the Federal Constitution that applies to all persons. Art. 9(prohibition from Banishmjent and Freedom of Movement), Art.10(Freedom of Speech, Assembly and Association), Art.12 (Rights in Respect of Education) uses the word “citizen” and not “persons”.

[xii] Malaysiakini, 7/2/2005 - In Malaysia "...from 1990 till September last year[2004], a total of 1,583 deaths among prisoners were recorded in 28 prisons nationwide, with the highest number in 2003 when 279 inmates died. During the same period, 150 detainees died in police lock-ups or custody" (statistics from a 49-page parliamentary written reply by Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi)

[xiii] Kuala Lumpur Magistrate Court (2) Criminal Case No: NO: D83-1427-99, D83-1428-99, D83-1429 -99, D83-1430-99, D83-1431-99 and D83-1432-99, Charles Hector & Amin Hafiz acted for the 6 persons from Uzbekistan

[xiv] Employees who generally have a monetary claim against their employer can make a complaint and the Labour Department, and if there is no resolution, then the Labour Court will convened and this will be chaired by a Labour Officer. Complaints of non-payment of wages, wrongful holding back of part wages,etc can be referred to the Labour Court.

[xv] If an employee is wrongfully and/or constructively dismissed by her employee, she has to make a complaint at the Industrial Relations Department(IRD) within 60 days days from the date of dismissal. The IRD will then call for a conciliation meeting between the Employer and the employee. If conciliation fails, the matter is referred to the Minister, who then refers or does not refer the matter to the Industrial Court. If referred to the Industrial Court, then the case goes to trial. Now, if the Minister does not refer the matter, then the employee has a right to apply for a Judicial Review (but here legal charges and cost is involved), so generally the matter ends here for the employee. In the Industrial Court, the employee’s claim is for re-instatement but at the end of the trial, the Court is at liberty to also award damages in lieu of reinstatement.

[xvi] The 40 Indian workers came into Malaysia as migrant workers under an Employment Pass (Rule 9 Immigration Regulations 1963), and with regard to this employment pass, the law stipulated that the minimum wages should be RM1,200-00 per month. This is in fact the one and only provision in Malaysian Laws that stipulate a minimum wage. The majority of the migrant workers in Malaysia only have a Social Visit(Temporary Employment) Pass (Rule 11(1)(ii) Immigration Regulations 1963) and here there is no stipulation of any minimum wage.

[xvii] When this matter started there were 40 workers, but 4 just could not take the stress and chose to return home and in the Kuala Lumpur High Court case (Usul Pemula No: R2-25-76 Tahun 2000)

[xviii] It was sad that the High Court did not hand down a Judgment on this case, for if that was done it would have been a precedent that other migrant workers could rely on in the struggle for migrant rights. One significant point would have been the right for the migrant worker to apply for a variation of his work permit, including the change of employer. Before this and still today, it is believed that only the employer has the right to apply for work permits and/or variation of the said permits. To date, it seems that there has been no other similar cases in the Malaysian Courts.

[xix] At that time, it was no possible to include a claim for damages in the 1st court action but today the Rules of the High Court has been amended and a claim of damages could be included in the 1st action.

[xx] One of the objections was that the Government of Malaysia was not named as a party. It is still believed that there is no need to specifically name the Government of Malaysia as a party , more so since the DG of Immigration and the Immigration Department of Malaysia were already named as parties.

[xxi] The lawyer was threatened with arrest under the Internal Security Act if we went further after the High Court dismissed the suit. In fact these threats, and other threats, were directly and indirectly made at the earlier stage in the first suit. One senior Minister also tried to get the workers to withdraw their suit. This is only what the lawyer understood by the words and actions. There was nothing in writing – only verbal communications to the lawyer alone.

[xxii] Allegedly – because to date the author has not seen any such condition in the written form. This could be one of those many unwritten policies that the Malaysian government is famous for. The policy is relied on when the Government wants to use it, and many other policies are denied when others want to rely on it. This is the problem with unwritten policies. For certainty, Malaysia must start having written policies that can be accessed by the public, and better still if these policies are gazetted.

[xxiii] In Malaysia, when a child attains the age of 12, he needs to apply for his National Registration Identity Card (NRIC).

[xxiv] The matter was taken to the Human Rights Commission, the Bar Council and even to Parliament. A signature campaign was initiated, which collected over 6,000 signatures, An urgent appeal was also initiated by the Migrant Forum in Asia. MFA and many other organizations also wrote in support for the re-unification of the family of Abdul Mutalib, Romita, Maruly Azis Bin Abd Mutalib (12 +), Sarah Nor Varah Hanim Binti Abd Mutalib(11+), Yonatan Adam Fauzi Bin Abd Mutalib(9+) and Ismael Syah Putra Bin Abd Mutalib(6+)

[xxv] Kuala Lumpur High Court Suit No: S4-21-239- 2005

[xxvi] In the case of Mohamad Ezam -v- Ketua Polis Negara (2002) 4 CLJ 309, a Federal Court case, it was stated in the judgment“In the United Nations wanted those principles to be more than declaratory, they could have embodied them in a convention or a treaty to which member states can ratify or accede to and those principles will then have the force of law”. Now in 1995, Malaysia ratified/acceded the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and there is NO reservation with regard to Article 3(1), which states “In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideratoion”. Further, unlike the United Kingdom, Malaysia did not have any reservation as to the application of the CRC to “...matters of immigration and citizenship law”

[xxvii] Malaysiakini 22/5/2004; “Housewife Charged for Horrific Maid Abuse” “…three charges of voluntarily causing grievous hurt to Nirmala Bonat (from West Timor), 19, with dangerous weapon - an iron and hot water - at her house at 33B-25-6, Villa Putera, Jalan Tun Ismail here in January, March and April this year.She is also charged with voluntarily causing grievous hurt to Nirmala with a metal cup at the same place at 3pm on May 17 this year…”

[xxviii] Bernama, 6/3/2006 “Malaysia Ready To Accept More Indonesian Housemaids”

[xxix] Malaysiakini 2/3/2005 “At least 100 Filipinos arrested in Immigration crackdown: official” “…Up to half a million Filipinos live in Malaysia, many of them families of refugees who fled a separatist rebellion on the Mindanao region of the southern Philippines in the 1970s…”

[xxx] Malaysiakini,28/2/2005 ‘100.000 Indon illegal workers ‘not paid wages’ “…About 100,000 Indonesian illegal migrant workers who have not been paid wages are refusing to return home even in the face of an imminent crackdown, claimed Indonesia’s Labour and Transmigration Minister Fahmi Idris today…”

[xxxi] Malaysiakini(an AFP Report), 30/3/2006 “June Signing of Pact for Indon Maids”

[xxxii] Malaysiakini, 13/2/2006 “Minister: No perks for Indonesian Maids” – “…The live-in maids often receive a salary averaging RM380 a month, far less than counterparts from the Philippines…” “..Home Affairs Minister Azmi Khalid said that allowing Indonesian maids to be hired under the country's labour law - which would provide for annual and sick leave, days off and overtime payment - would complicate matters for employers, said the New Straits Times” “..foreign maids in Malaysia are prey to physical, psychological and sexual abuse because of flawed government policies and typically work 16 to 18 hour days...”

[xxxiii] Malaysiakini, 2/2/2006 ‘M’sia has worst income disparity in SEA, gov’t flayed”

Sunday, March 19, 2006

MALAYSIAN BAR FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE DEATH PENALTY

RESOLUTION OF THE MALAYSIAN BAR FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE DEATH PENALTY
(which was adopted at the 60th AGM of the Malaysian Bar on 18/3/2006)

WHEREAS every human being has the inherent right to life;

WHEREAS Malaysia has hanged at least 358 persons between 1981 and 2005;

WHEREAS about 173 persons are on death row as at December 2005;

WHEREAS :

a) studies conducted throughout the world over the past seventy years have failed to find convincing evidence that capital punishment is a more effective deterrent of crime than long-term imprisonment;

b) studies conducted in Australia show that abolition of the death penalty had no effect on the homicide rate and in Canada there in fact was a sharp decline in the homicide rate after abolition;

c) in the United States over the past twenty years, states with the death penalty in general have had a higher homicide rate than states without the death penalty;

WHEREAS on the other hand the execution of human beings by the State gives an ‘example of barbarity’ to society and legitimizes the taking of human life;

WHEREAS Malaysia lacks safeguards that would ensure a fair trial such as the right to immediate access to a lawyer upon arrest, right to full disclosure of evidence in the possession of the police and prosecution, and has to the extreme prejudice of accused persons loaded a capital crime statute such as the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 ( which generates the largest number of death sentences annually ) with presumptions of trafficking that compromise the presumption of innocence which is integral to any fair and just criminal justice system;

WHEREAS:

a) it is not possible in any system of human justice to prevent the horrifying possibility of the execution of innocent persons; and

b) the infliction of the death penalty makes wrongful convictions irreversible;

WHEREAS :

a) 122 countries have abolished the death penalty in law or practice as opposed to 74 countries which retain the death penalty;

b) An average of three countries have abolished the death penalty each year over the last decade;

c) the trend worldwide has been for the abolition of the death penalty;

WHEREAS the UN Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2005/59 passed in 2005 calls upon all states to abolish the death penalty and states that the abolition of the death penalty is essential for the protection of the right to life of every human being;

WHEREAS Article 1 of the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provides that ‘ No one within the jurisdiction of a State party to the present Optional Protocol shall be executed ’.

WHEREAS the death penalty has no place in any society which values human rights, justice and mercy;

NOW IT IS HEREBY RESOLVED that the Malaysian Bar calls for the:

1) Abolition of the death penalty in Malaysia;

2) An immediate moratorium on all executions pending abolition;

3) Commutation of the sentences of all persons currently on death row;

4) Ratification by Malaysia of the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Proposers: N.Surendran , Charles Hector, Amer Hamzah Arshad, Sreekant Pillai

* the facts and statistics relied on here are from Professor Roger Hood’s The Death Penalty( A Worldwide Perspective) OUP 2002, Amnesty International and statistics released by the Government of Malaysia.)

Friday, March 17, 2006

500,000 still here illegally (Star)




500,000 still here illegally

PUTRAJAYA: After one year of Ops Tegas to flush out illegal immigrants, there are still between 300,000 and 500,000 of them in the country.

The number, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak admitted, “although lower than before, is still big.”

Speaking to reporters after chairing the Cabinet committee on foreign workers, Najib described the operations to nab illegal immigrants as having positive results.

“We will continue with the operations, especially by Rela. This has shown results because when they increase their operations, the number of illegal immigrants nabbed has fallen substantially,” he added.

The Government launched a massive operation last year to nab illegal immigrants, estimated to number 800,000, following an amnesty offer for them to return home. More than 300,000 took up the offer.

Najib also said the number of foreign workers in the country had increased to 1.8 million in January from 1.6 million last July.

The manufacturing sector has the highest number of foreign workers with 32.4%, followed by plantation (22%), maid (17.5%), and construction (15.5%).

Workers from Indonesia formed the largest number at 65.9% followed by Nepal (10.9%) and India (7.56%).

Najib said the committee had also decided that foreign workers must undergo a medical check-up during their second year here because they might have certain diseases.

Saturday, February 18, 2006

Rela officers not involved in deaths (Star)




Rela officers not involved in deaths

PUTRAJAYA: Rela officers could not have been involved in the death of two illegal immigrants at the Selayang Wholesale Market during an operation on Feb 11, said former Home Affairs Minister Datuk Seri Azmi Khalid.

He said that the post-mortem findings showed the two died three to five days before the post-mortem on Feb 13.

“This shows that the Feb 11 operation did not have anything to do with their deaths,” he added.

Azmi, now Natural Resources and Environment Minister, explained this in a statement as the incident took place during his tenure as Home Affairs Minister.

He said the Rela headquarters received calls from the British Broadcasting Corpora- tion on Wednesday enquiring about the death of five illegal immigrants during a Rela operation at the wholesale market.

On the Feb 11 operation at 2am, Azmi said Rela officers checked the documents of foreign workers while some illegals ran away.

Thursday, February 16, 2006

‘Duck-walk’ incident not a Rela operation (Star)




‘Duck-walk’ incident not a Rela operation

PUTRAJAYA: The incident in which 22 workers of an IT company were made to do a 50m “duck-walk” at Section 30 in Shah Alam last Sunday was not a Rela operation.

“The action was taken by 10 residents who were unhappy with the workers' behaviour since they moved into the area three weeks ago,” Rela director-general Datuk Mahadi Arshad said, adding that police would conduct investigations following a report lodged by the 22 men.

“Coincidentally, three of them were Rela members.”

Mahadi said severe action would be taken against the three Rela members if they were found to have done wrong.

It was reported that the 22 bachelors, comprising mostly factory and contract workers in their 20s, cried foul over the way the Rela members and villagers conducted a raid on their home.

They claimed that they were beaten and forced to do the duck walk around the housing area and apologise to some residents for causing a din.

Eighteen of them lodged police reports on Monday.

Sunday, January 29, 2006

Detention Without Trial Laws in Malaysia

Contributed by Charles Hector
Monday, 23 January 2006, 11:12pm


Detention Without Trial Laws in Malaysia

- Different Names But Similar Elements AND Can Be Used Against Anyone By Our Government -

Introduction

Preventive Detention by administrative power, as opposed to judicial detention, is defined as detention without judicial intervention or sanction. This form of detention, inter alia, may be due to detention by the police (executive) for purposes of investigation[1] and also for the purposes of preventing some supposed ‘crime’ which has not yet occurred (preventive detention). Preventive detention is what we know as Detention Without Trial (‘DWT’).

In this report, we will not be considering Administrative Detention by the police for purposes of investigations prior to being charged but will only be dealing with Preventive Administrative Detention (Detention Without Trial (‘DWT’)).

When we talk about detention, we will not limit ourselves to the narrow interpretation which would only consider incarceration of persons in prisons, lockups and/or detention centres. We will be looking at the word ‘detention’ from a broader perspective and this would include the imposition of any forms of restrictions and conditions on a person’s liberty by the executive without judicial intervention. This will include the imposition of restrictions and/or conditions on an individual’s freedom of movement, association, speech and expression. This will also include the restriction of a person to a town, district and/or specific area or place.

When we talk about detention without trial, we should be talking about the meting out of punishment by the executive, not the judiciary, irrespective if the said ‘punishment’ takes the form of detention in detention centres or the imposition of restrictions and/or conditions that restrict a person’s movement and freedoms.

An individual ‘punished’ without the benefit of a fair and open trial. Many a time, these ‘punishments’ (hereinafter referred to as Detention Without Trial or ‘DWT’) are imposed and/or withdrawn at the discretion of one person, being the Minister (that is the Home Minister).

Laws that allow for DWT (or preventive detentions) have been amended so as to oust the jurisdiction of the courts to review this exercise of the Minister’s discretion. Only procedural aspects of the imposition of these detentions can be reviewed by the courts. The rationale for the ousting of judicial review could be drawn from the words of the Prime Minister when tabling the Internal Security (Amendment Act):

‘The interventionist role of judicial decisions and the trends of foreign courts should not be copied because such actions was against the concept of separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary which was upheld in Malaysia. If the courts can reverse executive’s decision, it would make it impossible for the executive to make any decision for fear that the courts would intervene. The ruling party would then be waiting for the decisions of the courts and the results of appeal to higher courts’[2].

Administrative detention in Malaysia

In Malaysia, generally under the Criminal Procedure Code administrative detention is allowed only for a period not exceeding 24 hours after a person has been arrested.

In Part II of the Federal Constitution which carries the heading ‘Fundamental Liberties’, in particular Article 5(4), it is enshrined most clearly that ‘where a person is arrested and not released he shall without unreasonable delay, and in any case within 24 hours (excluding the time of any necessary journey) be produced before a Magistrate and shall not be further detained in custody without the magistrate’s authority.

However the provisos of Article 5(4), create two exceptions, being :

  1. to the arrests or detention under the existing law relating to restricted residence[3],

  2. to arrests of ‘... a person, other than a citizen, who is arrested or detained under the law relating to immigration ...’[4]

Article 5(5) creates a further exception being enemy aliens.

Part IX, the heading of which is‘Special Powers Against Subversion, Organised Violence, And Acts And Crimes Prejudicial To The Public And Emergency Powers’ , in particular Art 149 and 150 provides for the enactment of laws that allow for preventive detentions.

Pursuant to Article 149, two acts have been enacted that allow for preventive detentions, namely:

  1. Internal Security Act 1960; and

  2. Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985.

Pursuant to Article 150, the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance 1969 which allows for preventive ‘administrative’ detention has been enacted.

Detention without trial (‘DWT’)

There exist four types of laws in Malaysia that allow for DWT and they are:

  1. Internal Security Act 1960 (ISA);

  2. Emergency (Public Order and Prevention Crime) Ordinance 1969 (E(POPC)O);

  3. Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985 (DD(SPM)A); and

  4. Restricted Residence Act 1933.

With regard to the first three, as long as the police or the minister are satisfied that reasons for the detention or the imposition of a restriction order as provided by the respective Acts exist, he can make one of the two (or three) orders available, that is:

  1. Detention Orders;

  2. Restriction Orders;

  3. Suspended Detention Orders.

The length of these orders can be up to two years, but all these Acts also empower the minister to renew these two-year orders for an unlimited period.

The police have the power to arrest and detain a person under these Acts for a period which shall not exceed 60 days, provided that there is at the very least exist ‘reason to believe’ that there are grounds which would justify his detention (ie that the Minister would be satisfied to make a Detention Order or Restriction Order).

Upon arrest, the person detained has no right to an open trial. He has however the right that his detention order be reviewed by an Advisory Board at least once every six months. The findings and the recommendations of this Board will be submitted to the Minister. The Minister will have the final say. There appears to be no such review by any Advisory Board when it comes to Restriction Orders.

There is however the right to seek a writ of habeas corpus pursuant to arrest and detention. In 1989, the laws that allow for DWT were amended, and judicial review of Ministerial Acts has been removed, save for non compliance with any procedural requirement in these Acts governing such act or decision.

As long as the Minister is satisfied …

Any person may fall prey to DWT as long as the Minister is satisfied. The ISA, E(POPC)O and the DD(SPM)A provides that the Minister should be satisfied for specific different reasons why a person should be subjected to DWT, but since the courts have no power to review the basis for the Minister’s satisfaction which brought about the imposition of a detention or restriction order, there is always the possibility of abuse of this power.

History has shown that these unfettered powers have been utilised in the past to suppress dissidents and opponents of the ruling elite, party and/or coalition. In 1987, some 106 opposition party members, NGO[5] activists, trade unionists, church workers and academicians were arrested under the Operation Lalang under the ISA.

With regard to the E(POPC)O, in 1995 two worker leaders were arrested and subjected to restriction orders under this Act on baseless allegations that they were members of a gang. Recently in 2002, this Ordinance was also used by the police to re-arrest 10 persons who were found not guilty and acquitted by the High Court sitting in Ipoh[6].

Therefore as long as the Minister is satisfied, a person may fall victim to the laws that provide for DWT. Was the decision making process bona fide or not? Was there any justification at all to subject a person to DWT? These questions have no answer, because as of 1988, amendments were introduced to all the abovementioned Acts to the shut the door on judicial review of the exercise of this Ministerial discretion[7].

What the Minister needs to be satisfied with is illustrated below. Note that there is no mention of any requirement of evidence to be presented to the Minister, there is also no listing of matters that the Minister must consider before becoming ‘satisfied’. The discretion of the Minister could therefore be exercised arbitrarily.

‘If the Minister is satisfied that the detention of any person is necessary with a view to preventing him from acting in any manner prejudicial to the security of Malaysia or any part thereof or to the maintenance of essential services therein or to the economic life thereof, he may make an order (hereinafter referred to as a detention order) directing that that person be detained for any period not exceeding two years’. (s 8(1) Internal Security Act 1960)

‘If the Minister is satisfied that with a view to preventing any person from acting in any manner prejudicial to public order it is necessary that that person should be detained, or that it is necessary for the suppression of violence or the prevention of crimes involving violence that that person should be detained, the Minister shall make an order (hereinafter referred to as a ‘detention order’) directing that that person be detained for a period not exceeding two years’. (s 4(1) Emergency (Public Order And Prevention of Crime) Ordinance 1969)

‘Whenever the Minister ... is satisfied with respect to any person that such person has been or is associated with any activity relating to or involving the trafficking in dangerous drugs, the Minister may, if he is satisfied that it is necessary in the interest of public order that such person be detained, by order (hereinafter referred to as a ‘detention order’) direct that such person be detained for a period not exceeding two years’. (s 6(1) Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985)

The provisions of the Restricted Residence Act 1933 are drafted in very wide terms. All that seems to be required is that there ‘are reasonable grounds for believing that any person should be required to reside in any particular area ...’. There is no mention about the reasons why such an order, take as for example the DD(SPM)A whereby it is stated that ‘such person has been or is associated with any activity relating to or involving the trafficking in dangerous drugs ...’. Hence, the power accorded to the Minister under this Act is disturbingly excessive.

‘Whenever it shall appear to the Minister on such written information and after such enquiry as he may deem necessary that there are reasonable grounds for believing that any person should be required to reside in any particular area or be prohibited from entering into any particular area or areas the Minister may issue an order ...’ (s 2(1) Restricted Residence Act 1933)

Arrest and detention by the Police

With regards to arrest and detention, and the laws that provide for DWT, the police (and in the case of the ISA and the E(PCPO)O, any member of the security forces) may arrest without warrant. The arrest may be done if the said arresting officer has reasons to believe that there are grounds which would justify an issuance of a detention order/restriction order. An example of the provision that provides for arrest is as follows:

Any police officer may without a warrant arrest and detain pending inquiry any persons in respect of whom he has reason to believe (i) that there are grounds which would justify his detention under section 8, AND (ii) that he has acted or is about to act or is likely to act in any manner prejudicial to the security of Malaysia ... or to the maintenance of essential services ...’. (s 73(1) Internal Security Act)

Administrative detention by the Police

Thereafter the police may detain the said person for a period not exceeding 60 days, but there are requirements for the authority of different ranks of police officer for the varying periods of detention. The relevant provisions of the Internal Security Act 1960[8] are set out below:

‘Any person arrested under this section may be detained for a period not exceeding 60 days without an order of detention having made in respect of him under section 8:

Provided that –

(a) he shall not be detained for more that 24 hours except with authority of a police officer of or above the rank of a Inspector;

(b) he shall not be detained for more than 48 hours except with the authority of a police officer of or above the rank of Assistant Superintendent; and

(c) he shall not be detained for more that 30 days[9] unless a police officer of or above the rank of Deputy Superintendent has reported the circumstances of the arrest and detention to the Inspector General or to a police officer designated by the Inspector General in that behalf, who shall forthwith report the same to the Minister’. (s 73(3) Internal Security Act 1960)

During the period of the 60-day detention

During the 60-day period, the detainee does not have the right of access to his family, friends and even to his legal counsel. The police, even on inquiry by the family members, sometimes do not even confirm that the said person is in detention. The location of the detention is also not revealed to the family, friends and even legal counsel.

From the experiences of ex-detainees of DWT laws, it is said that during this period of detention, the detainee is subjected to interrogations and even torture, mentally and/or physically. Detainees have been subjected to solitary confinement, beatings with pieces of wood, stripping[10], etc. Below are extracts taken from sworn testimonies by four detainees who described their treatment in detention in the course of their application for a writ of habeas corpus. These extracts[11] should provide an idea of what happens to some during detentions.

‘During the first two weeks of my detention, I was interrogated very vigorously by Special Branch officers about my personal faith and my religious activities. I was not allowed sleep for days at a stretch and was warned that I would not get my food if I did not cooperate. One Inspector threatened to disturb my girlfriend ... On one occasion, I was knocked down to the ground and I injured my back. Since then, I have been passing blood in my urine and have suffered pain in my lower back constantly ... On one occasion, Inspector (name withheld) forced me to strip naked and enact the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. [He] also forced me to crawl on the floor in a naked state ...’.

‘The cell was windowless, the only ventilation being some holes in the upper portion of a wall. It was lit by a single light which was kept on all night ... For a full month ... my entire bedding was a thin plywood sheet on a cement slab. I was beaten with a stick about 1cm x 4cm x 120cm on my legs and the soles of my feet several times ... and was also slapped on the face with the back of my hand …’.

‘A police officer put fear in me ... by saying, ‘If I squeeze your balls, how long can you last?’ ... I was also subjected to the cold treatment during interrogations with very cold air directed through louvres onto my head causing me to shiver ... [i] experienced hallucinations and woke up in cold sweat. For two or three nights, I hallucinated that a big cobra was crawling beside me ... It was under such harsh and oppressive circumstances that I was requested to make statements ...’.

‘I was forced to stand on a leg with arms outstretched and head bent backwards for long periods until I collapsed onto the floor ... Immediately I was kicked by the police officer to stand up again on one leg, and this was repeated many times ... I was forced to walk blindfolded towards the wall resulting in knocking myself against the wall and this was repeated many times. The police officers stamped on my toes and fingers causing excruciating and prolonged pains. I was subjected to the ‘cold treatment’ which consisted standing in front of a very cold air conditioner either naked or half naked several times ... and on one occasion the police officer had thrown cold water all over me ... I was forced to strip naked. A police officer ... rolled a bundle of newspapers, lit one end and threatened to burn my genitals [by] bringing the lighted end close to my genitals ... A police officer stated that he would ... make sexual advances to my wife ...’.

The detainee is also many a time alleged to have committed outrageous acts but since there will be no trial, these remain bare allegations. The detainee has no right to an open trial, let alone any trial at all. The police and/or the prosecution therefore do not need to produce any evidence, let alone prove the allegations to the usual standards of proof.

In the case of Dr Syed Husin Ali[12] who was detained for about six years, he was asked to admit that he was associated with the Communist Party of Malaysia and to implicate Dr Mahathir Mohammad, the Prime Minister of Malaysia. The Home Minister[13] at that time was Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie.

‘They wanted me to use the communist bogey on Mahathir and Musa [the then Deputy Prime Minister] ... they told me that I would be released if I implicated Mahathir and Musa. They slapped me, denied me sleep, spat in my face, told lies about my wife and even placed a pistol in front of me. It was a terrible lie and being a Muslim, I would not be part of it’[14].

In a recent case, it was alleged that one former Youth leader of a political party was arrested and detained apparently to make him put in a letter of resignation from his post[15].

In some cases, it is to be wondered why persons are detained under DWT laws. Is it because there is insufficient evidence to prove that the person is guilty beyond reasonable doubt? Or is merely to protect others who might be in high positions of power, who are linked to some serious offences? No definite answers can be given, for we will never know for sure because there is no trial in open court. Former victims of the laws that allow for DWT often do not talk about what happened to them whilst in detention – and the main reason for this is the fear that they might be re-arrested and made guests in the detention centres under the same kind of laws.

Documentation of persons detained under the laws that allow for DWT is also scarce because for many there is no publicity in the media or otherwise. Frequently, families are ‘conned’ by the police into silence, by the empty promises of quick release if the family do not make an issue of the detentions. Lack of legal awareness and fear for their loved ones often would result not only in silence of the family, but even requests by these families to NGOs, human rights activist and/or politicians, not to raise the issue at all.

After the 60-day detention by the Police: Detention/Restriction Orders

After the 60-day detention by the police, the Minister usually issues a Detention Order or a Restriction Order.

Restriction Order

Besides the Detention Order, the Restriction Order is an alternative DWT order available to the Minister under the ISA, E(POPC)O and the DD(SPM)A. In my opinion, this is a more repressive order, because a breach of the conditions or restrictions makes a person liable to a criminal offence which on conviction is punishable with imprisonment up to two years. The RRA only allows for the imposition of a Restriction Order.

To appreciate the kind of restrictions and conditions that can be imposed on a person subjected to a Restriction Order, s 8(5) ISA is set out below:

‘If the Minister is satisfied that for any of the purposes mentioned in subsection (1) it is necessary that control and supervision should be exercised over any person or that restrictions and conditions should be imposed upon that person in respect of his activities, freedom of movement or places of residence or employment, but for that purpose it is unnecessary to detain him, he may make an order (hereinafter referred to as a restriction order) imposing upon that person all or any of the following restrictions and conditions:

a) for imposing upon that person such restrictions as may be specified in the order in respect of his activities and his places of his residence and employment;

b) for prohibiting him from being out of doors between such hours as may be specified in the order, except under the authority of a written permit granted by such authority or persons as may be so specified;

c) for requiring him to notify his movements in such manner at such times to such authority or persons as may be specified in the order;

d) for prohibiting him from addressing public meetings or from holding office in, or taking part in the activities of or acting as adviser to, any organisations or association, or from taking part in any political activities; and

e) for prohibiting him from travelling beyond the limits of Malaysia or any part thereof specified in the order except in accordance with permission given to him by such authority as may be specified in such order.’ (s 8(5) Internal Security Act 1960)

In the case of the E(POPC)O, the conditions and restrictions which cover similar areas, are elaborated even further and one significant addition is the inclusion of Police Supervision Orders[16].

‘If the Minister is satisfied that for any of the purposes mentioned in section 4(1) it is necessary that control or supervision should be exercised over any person or that restrictions or conditions should be imposed upon that person in respect of his activities, freedom of movement or places of residence and employment, but for those purposes it is unnecessary to detain that person, he may make an order (hereinafter referred to as a ‘restriction order’) imposing upon that person (hereinafter referred to as a ‘restricted person’) all or any of the following restrictions and conditions:

a) that he shall be subject to the supervision of the Police for any period not exceeding two years;

b) that he shall reside within the limits of any State, districts, mukim, town or village specified in the restriction order;

c) that he shall not transfer his residence to any other State, district, mukim, town or village, as the case may be, without the written authority of the Chief Police Officer of any State concerned;

d) that except so far as may be otherwise provided by the restriction order, he shall not leave the State, district, mukim, town or village within which he resides without the written authority of the Chief Police Officer of the State concerned;

e) that he shall at all times keep the Officer in Charge of the Police District in which he resides notified of the house or place in which he resides;

f) that he shall be liable, at such times or times as may be specified in the restriction order to present himself at the nearest police station;

g) that he shall remain within doors, or within such area as may be defined in the restriction order, between such hours as may be specified in the restriction order, unless he obtains special permission to the contrary from the Officer in Charge of the Police District;

h) that except in so far as may be otherwise provided by the restriction order, he shall not enter any State, district, mukim, town or village specified in the restriction order;

i) that he shall keep the peace and be of good behaviour;

j) that he shall enter into a bond, with or without sureties as the Minister may direct and in such amount as may be specified in the restriction order, for his due compliance with the restrictions and conditions imposed on him by the restriction order. (s 4A, Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance[17]

The length of the Restriction Orders is not clear, but s 4A(2) of the E(POPC)O seems to imply that this period could be up to five years. But note that in the DWT laws, the Minister also has the power to renew the detention/restriction orders for periods of not more than two years at a time, for an indefinite period.

As was mentioned earlier, a contravention of a restriction or condition would result in a commission of an offence, and if this contravention is proved, the said person ‘shall be guilty of an offence and shall, on conviction, be liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years and not less than two years’[18] under the E(POPC)O. Under the DD(SPM)A, he can ‘be punished with imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years and not less than three years’[19].

Suspended Detention Orders

This third kind of Order is provided by s 4B E(POPC)O[20] and a reading of this section as set out below is sufficient to understand this kind of order.

‘The Minister may at any time direct that the operation of any detention order be suspended subject to all or any of the restrictions and conditions he is empowered to impose by a restriction order ...’ (s 4B Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance).

Detention Orders

Detention Orders are provided for under the ISA, E(POPC)O and the DD(SPM)A and as mentioned above, all that is needed before a Detention Order is made is that the Minister must be satisfied of certain matters. The words used in describing these matters are so wide, that any mildly creative individual could ensure that satisfaction is achieved.

The Minister can order that a person be detained for any period not exceeding two years[21]. Detention Orders be extended for such further period, not exceeding two years at a time[22]. This can be done based on the same grounds and/or on different grounds. Some persons in our Malaysian history of DWT laws have been arrested and detained for periods even exceeding 10 years[23].

(i) Detention Centres

The detainee will be placed in Detention Centres and this detention will be governed by the Internal Security (Detained Persons) Rules 1960[24].

A perusal of these rules seem to imply that there are two kinds of detention camps, namely the ordinary detention camp and the special detention camp[25]. The rights and privileges of the detainee varies depending on the kind of camp that he is placed in.

In the case of the special detention camp, there are increasing rights as the length of the detention increases and the Superintendent (of the Detention camp) is satisfied that he has been of good behaviour, and if so satisfied the detainee will slowly move from the First Stage to the Third Stage. The added rights, for example is the right to send a letter; whereby a detainee in the first stage can only send and receive one letter from friends or relatives once in three weeks, whereas if he has been promoted to the Third Stage he has a right to send and/or receive one letter once every week. The privileges affected are, amongst others, the frequency of receipt of parcels, frequency of visits by relatives/friends, amount of time let out of the cell, the rate of pay, the quality of meals and the number of times the detainee is allowed to visit the canteen for the purpose of purchasing articles sold there.

A detainee in a detention camp[26] shall be entitled to visits[27] from his relatives and his legal advisers. For visits from friends, special permission of the Camp Superintendent is required. A detainee is entitled to one visit a week, and not more than two persons shall be admitted to visit a detained person at anyone time. These visits shall not last for more than 30 minutes. How can the detainee even brief his legal counsel in 30 minutes?

Judicial Review or Judicial Intervention

Since the coming into force of the amendments[28] to the laws allowing for DWT, judicial review has been limited to questions of compliance with any procedural requirement in this Act.

The Prime Minister when tabling the Internal Security (Amendment Act) said as follows:

‘The interventionist role of judicial decisions and the trends of foreign courts should not be copied because such actions was against the concept of separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary which was upheld in Malaysia. If the courts can reverse executive’s decision, it would make it impossible for the executive to make any decision for fear that the courts would intervene. The ruling party would then be waiting for the decisions of the courts and the results of appeal to higher courts’[29].

The meaning of judicial review was defined by s 8C Internal Security Act[30] to ‘include proceedings instituted by way of (a) an application for any prerogative orders of mandamus, prohibition and certiorari; (b) an application for a declaration or an injunction; (c) a writ of habeas corpus; and (d) any other suit, action or other legal proceedings relating to or arising out of any act done or decision made by the Yang di-Pertuan Agung or the Minister in accordance with this Act’.

By virtue of s 8B Internal Security Act[31], judicial review was ‘limited to any question on compliance with any procedural requirement in this act governing such act or decision.

Section 8A further limits this, and the said section is laid out as follows:

‘No detention order shall be invalid or inoperative by reason –

(a) that the person to whom it relates –

(i) was immediately after the making of the detention order detained in any place other than a place of detention referred to in section 8(3);

(ii) continued to be detained immediately after the making of the detention order in the place in which he was detained under section 73 before his removal to a place of detention referred to in section 8(3), notwithstanding that the maximum period of such detention under section 73(3) had expired; or

(iii) was during the duration of the detention order on journey in police custody to a place of detention referred to in section 8(3); or

(b) that the detention order was served on him at any place other than the place of detention referred to in section 8(3),

or that there was any defect relating to its service upon him.’

By virtue of s 8D[32], ss 8B and 8C were made applicable to any proceedings instituted by way of judicial review whether such proceedings were instituted before or after the coming into force of the amending Act. Only proceedings in respect of which a final decision of the court had been given and/or to any appeal or application to appeal against such final decision survived.

An analysis of the applications of judicial review reveals that the mode used has generally been by way of a writ of habeas corpus.

Even before the coming into force this new amendment, the courts were reluctant to go into the question of whether there existed any reasonable cause for a person to be detained under the laws allowing for DWT, on the grounds that it was a matter of opinion and policy, and a decision that only the executive could make. The court also did not want to evaluate the facts/evidence, if any, that led to this executive ‘satisfaction’ and ultimate decision. The court was also of the opinion that the executive has no obligation to even disclose facts that led to believe that detention was needed. To get a brief picture of the judicial pronouncements, extract of judgments of some of the pre-amendment cases are set out below.

Karam Singh v Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri (Minister of Home Affairs), Malaysia (Federal Court, 25 April 1969) (1969) 2 MLJ 129: ‘whether there was reasonable cause to detain a person under Section 8(1) of the Internal Security Act 1960 [ISA] was a matter of opinion and policy, a decision on which could only be taken by the executive, and which therefore the courts could not go into ...’

Re Tan Sri Raja Khalid bin Raja Raja Harun; Inspector-General of Police v Tan Sri Raja Khalid bin Raja Harun (Supreme Court) (1988) 1 MLJ 182): ‘the detaining authorities are not obliged to disclose the facts which led them to so believe nor are they required to prove in court the sufficiency or adequacy of the reasons for such belief in any proceedings for habeas corpus instituted by the detainee. It is sufficient if the detaining authorities show that the person has been detained in exercise of a valid legal power. The onus is then on the detainee to show that the power has been exercised mala fide or improperly or for a collateral or ulterior purpose ...’. It was also held that ‘where the detaining authorities invoke national security as the grounds for non-disclosure of facts leading to the making of an order of detention, the test to be applied by the court in any proceedings for habeas corpus would be a subjective test. The court cannot in those circumstances compel the disclosure of such facts.’

Minister for Home Affairs, Malaysia & Anor v Karpal Singh (Supreme Court) (1988) 3 MLJ 29: ‘... while the grounds of detention stated in the order of detention were open to judicial review, the allegations of fact upon which the subjective satisfaction of detaining authority was based were immune from judicial scrutiny ...’.

Theresa Lim Chin Chin & Ors v Inspector General of Police (Supreme Court) (1988) 1 MLJ 293: ‘police power of arrest and detention under Section 73 of the ISA could not be separated from the ministerial power to issue an order of detention under Section 8 thereof ...’. It was also held that ‘in the matter of preventive detention the executive alone is the best judge and that the court will not be in a position to review the fairness of the executive’s decision-making process having regard to the Constitutional bar on disclosure of the relevant information by the executive’. This case also held that ‘the ISA was a valid piece of legislation and that there was nothing in the wording of the Act to show that its operation was restricted to persons suspected of communist activities’.

Although judicial review has been restricted to the question of compliance with any procedural requirement, writs of habeas corpus continue to be filed and some of them have been successful. An example of the issues raised in these applications is in the case of Haji Omar Din bin Mawaidin v Minister for Home Affairs, Malaysia & Anor (1990) 3 MLJ 435 (High Court) where the issue was whether the Minister can revoke a restriction order and substitute it for a detention order without first complying with the requirements of the Act.

However in the case of Karpal Singh, he was successful in his application for a writ of habeas corpus, and was released by the court only to be subsequently re-arrested again under the ISA. This indicates that a successful judicial review may not be sufficient, as these laws that allow for DWT can be used again to arrest and detain again.

Recently, in the Federal Court case of Mohamad Ezam Mohd Noor –v- Ketua Polis Negara & Other Appeals (2002) 4 CLJ 309, the court looking at the period of administrative detention by the police, being the period prior to the issuance of the Detention Orders by the Minister, held that “the court is entitled to review the sufficiency and the reasonableness of the respondent’s [i.e. the Police] reasons for believing that there were grounds to justify the appellants’ detention under s.8 ISA and that the appellant had acted or was about or likely to act in a manner prejudicial to the security of the nation. The court said that the objective test, and not the subjective test, applies and what this means is that the court would now look and see whether a reasonable police officer would in that particular situation have arrested and detained the said detainee. In this case, interestingly, the court did not consider just the facts that existed prior to the arrest, but also went on to considered what happened after the arrest during the period of detention, to determine the real reasons for the arrest and detention. This case was concerning the ISA, but logically it should also apply to other detention without trial laws.

Review by the Advisory Board

According to the DWT, there are provisions for the setting up of an Advisory Board whose function is to review every order or direction made or given by the Minister not less than once every six months but sad to say that all that they are empowered to do after that is to ‘submit to the Minister a written report ..., and may make therein such recommendations as it shall think fit’[33].

In the case of DD(SPM)A[34], the detainee has more explicit rights[35], like the right to be informed of his right to make representations, and if he chooses to do so, the Advisory Board shall sit within three months[36] from the date of receipt of the said representations. There is also similar provision where every order and/or direction be reviewed not earlier than 12 months from the date of such order/direction[37]. Here, the opinion of the Advisory Board carries more ‘weight as seen in s 11(3)[38] which is set out below:

‘When the Advisory Board has reported that in its opinion the detention or restriction should cease, the Minister shall revoke the detention or restriction order.’ (s 11(3) Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act)

Concluding Remarks

For a long time too much attention has been focused on the ‘injustice’ of the ISA, but today more attention is being placed on all laws that allow for DWT. Previously, attention was only given to the detention of persons in detention camps but today there is also an increasing awareness about the other orders available to the Minister under these DWT laws, like the Restriction Orders - which is really more unjust.

On 6 December 1997, participants of the Bar Council Human Rights Seminar on ‘Detention Without Trial: Has the time for Abolition Come?’ adopted the position that all laws providing for arrest and detention without trial, and for restriction of residence and movement of persons are contrary to the rule of law, international human rights standards and established religious values and norms, and called for the repeal of all laws that allow for DWT.

Only at the Extraordinary General Meeting in 1998 did the Malaysian Bar adopt a similar position. The Malaysian Bar has now in July 2002 set up a Special Task Force to campaign for the repeal of all preventive detention laws. And finally in end 2003, the Bar Council launched the Abolish Detention Without Trial Campaign.

The campaign against preventive detention or DWT laws in Malaysia has made slow progress and this is primarily due to the lack of awareness or conscientisation. There is firstly a need for an understanding of the different aspects of DWT laws, and the reasons why we must all support this on-going call for the repeal and abolishment of all laws that allow detention without trial, not merely the more popular ISA. This article hopes to merely give a broad overview about DWT laws, and as such I have stayed away from dealing with developments in specific aspects of DWT laws.

The ISA which was originally enacted against persons suspected of communist activities[39] has been used increasingly against political and/or personal opponents by those in power.

Similarly, the E(POPC)O was supposed to be used to suppress gang-related crimes and crimes of violence, but past experience has shown that it has been used against workers’ leaders as well.

The DD(SPM)A is supposed to be used as a weapon to combat the offence of drug trafficking but alas, there is always the room for abuse, for after all a person arrested, detained or restricted under any of these DWT laws do not have the just access to a fair and open trial.

But irrespective of its stated purposes, all these laws that allow for DWT, can be abused. These laws, which goes against principles of natural justice and human rights must be repealed. Judicial review should be revived for these laws, giving effect to the doctrine of separation of powers, so that at least the judiciary will be able to check any mis-use of these laws, at least until it is abolished in toto. All actions of the executive, be it the police and/or the Minister, should be subject to judicial review and it is most important that there be no exceptions.

Charles Hector

* this article is adapted and updated from a treatise on Administrative Detention in Malaysia written in 1996. The effect of the Federal Court case of Mohamad Ezam in 2002 is included.


[1] Art 5(2) Federal Constitution allows the police to arrest and detain a person (a citizen) for a period of less than 24 hours.

[2] Extracted from a paper by Karpal Singh entitled ‘Administrative Detention in Malaysia’.

[3] Referring to the Restricted Residence Act 1933 which gives very broad powers to the Minister to restrict residence and/or inhibit movement if ‘… there are reasonable grounds for believing that any person should be required to ...’ (see s 2(i) of the Act). This Act unlike the other laws that allow preventive detentions does not specify any grounds or reasons why a person should be so restricted and/or inhibited. The Internal Security Act 1960 for example, allows for preventive detentions if, and only if, the Minister is satisfied that it is ‘... necessary with a view to preventing him from acting in any manner prejudicial to the security of Malaysia or any part thereof or to the maintenance of essential services therein or to the economic life thereof ...’.

In the case of Loh Kooi Choon v Government of Malaysia (1977) 2 MLJ 187, the appellant had been arrested under a warrant issued under the provisions of the Restricted Residence Act 1933, and thereafter he was not produced before the Magistrate within 24 hours as required by Article 5(4) of the Federal Constitution. Before the appeal was heard by the Federal Court, the Federal Constitution was amended whereby Article 5(4) was amended by the Constitution (Amendment) Act 1976, and declared not to ‘apply to the arrest and detention of any person under the existing law relating to restricted residence’. This amendment was backdated to 31 August 1957, the Independence Day of Malaysia (Dato’ Dr Rais Yatim, Detention Without Trial: Has The Time For Abolition Come?).

[4] In this case, the proviso itself clearly states that the words ‘within twenty four hours’is replaced with the words ‘within fourteen days. The application of this can be seen in the Immigration Act 1959/63 (see s 51(5)(b)).

[5] Non-Governmental Organisations.

[6] The Malaysian Bar issued a statement condemning this act, which was published in The Star (8 August 2002) in a report entitled ‘Bar: Police wrong to re-arrest freed men’.

[7] * Section 8B, Internal Security Act 1960 (s 8B, amongst others, was inserted by the Internal Security (Amendment) Act 1989 (Act A739) which came into effect on 24 August 1989).

* Section 7C, Emergency (Public Order & Prevention of Crime) Ordinance 1969 (inserted by the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) (Amendment) Act 1989 (Act A740) which came into effect on 24 August 1989).

* Section 11C, Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985 (s 11C, amongst others, was inserted by Act A738 around the same time as the two above).

[8] The provisions for the 60-day detention period is similar in all the laws that provide for DWT.

[9] With regard to the Dangerous Drugs (SPM)A, the word ‘thirty days’ is replaced by the words ‘fourteen days’.

[10] The case of Anwar Ibrahim, the former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia should also be considered.

[11] Malaysia: ‘Operation Lallang’: Detention Without Trial Under the Internal Security Act – Amnesty International (December 1988), Preventive Detention (Restrictions) Laws In Malaysia – an article that was published in ALIRAN on or about December 1994.

[12] Mentioned by Dr Syed Husin in many of his discussions. He has documented his experiences in detention under the ISA in a recently published book entitled Two Faces.

[13] Thereafter, I believe that the position of the Home Minister has been held by the Prime Minister, until this year Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the new Deputy Prime Minister has taken over this portfolio.

[14] Jocelin Tan, ‘An Old Warrior’, Malaysian Business, 1 June 1994, p 34. Dr Syed Husin Ali, now the President of Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) was an ISA detainee for six years (1974-1980). After the 60-day detention period, he was also subject to re-interrogation after being sent to the Kamunting Detention Camp. Usually, after the first 60-days, detainees are no more subjected to interrogations by the police. (Also see Dato’ Dr Rais Yatim, Detention Without Trial: The Malaysian Experience).

[15] This information and the condition of many others who have been detained under the ISA can easily be obtained on the Internet.

[16] Sentence of Police Supervision and the obligations of persons subject to supervision are probably the same as those provided in s 295 and s 296 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

[17] Similar provision as s 6(3) Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[18] Section 4A(4) Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance.

[19] Section 6(7) Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[20] Also see s 10 Internal Security Act.

[21] Section 8(1) Internal Security Act, s 4(1) Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance, s 7(1) Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[22] Section 8(7) Internal Security Act, s 7A Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance, s 11A Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[23] R Gunaratnam, a Party Rakyat Malaya member, was detained for 11 years 8 months beginning from 14 November 1970 until 1982. S N Rajah, the executive secretary to United Malayan Estate Workers (UMEW) was detained for 11 years 2 months, beginning on 16 November 1970 until 18 January 1981.

[24] Section 8(4) Internal Security Act 1960, s 4(3) Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance also provides specifically that the Internal Security (Detained Persons) Rules 1960 shall apply to every palace of detention and persons detained under this Ordinance.

[25] Rule 86 Internal Security (Detained Persons) Rules 1960, also see Rule 2 which gives the definition of ‘special detention camp’ as meaning a place declared to be a special detention camp under Rule 86.

[26] Would also be similar for detainees kept in special detention camps who have been promoted to the Third Stage.

[27] Rule 81 Internal Security (Detained Persons) Rules 1960.

[28] Section 8B Internal Security Act 1960 (s 8B, amongst others, was inserted by the Internal Security (Amendment) Act 1989 (Act A739) which came into effect on 24 August 1989). Section 7C Emergency (Public Order & Prevention of Crime) Ordinance 1969 (inserted by the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) (Amendment) Act 1989 (Act A740) which came into effect on 24 August 1989). Section 11C Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985, (s 11C, amongst others, was inserted by Act A738 around the same time as the two above).

[29] Extracted from a paper by Karpal Singh entitled ‘Administrative Detention in Malaysia’.

[30] Section 11D Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act, s 7D Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance.

[31] Section 11C Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act, s 7C Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance.

[32] Section 11E Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act, s 7E Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance.

[33] Section 13 Internal Security Act.

[34] Similar provisions found in the E(POPC)O but the powers of the Board recommendations seems to be less or more like the ISA. The frequency of a review/order is also not stated and is left to the discretion of the Chairman of the Advisory Board (s 7(1) E(POPC)O).

[35] Section 9 Dangerous Drugs(Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[36] Section 10 Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[37] Section 11 Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[38] See also s 11(4) Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act.

[39] Theresa Lim Chin Chin & Ors v Inspector General of Police (Supreme Court) (1988) 1 MLJ 293. This case also held that ‘the ISA was a valid piece of legislation and that there was nothing in the wording of the Act to show that its operation was restricted to persons suspected of communist activities’.

Image

(Originally published by Asian Human Rights Commission in 1990s

Monday, January 23, 2006

Rela going overboard? (Star)




Rela going overboard?

marc@thestar.com.my

PETALING JAYA: The Government should review the practice of paying Rela volunteers RM80 for each illegal immigrant arrested.

MCA Public Services and Complaints Department head Datuk Michael Chong claimed that the reward offered had made Rela volunteers desperate to nab as many illegals as possible.

“The Government should look into this matter. I don’t object to them rooting out illegals, but there has to be a proper procedure in doing this,” he said.

Rela personnel, he said, should not conduct raids out of uniform as it could cause unnecessary confusion among the public.

Chong claimed that a raid by Rela at a restaurant in Old Klang Road on Wednesday night was not conducted according to proper procedure.

GIFT FOR WIDOWS: Chong (seated at centre) handing over the RM2,400 donation to Ahmad’s wife Safiah Selawah and Edy’s wife Hami Mokhtar Sunday.
“It was very unprofessional. Some personnel were not in uniform and they didn’t even show their authority cards, despite being asked to,” he said.

“It is regrettable that two lives have been lost because proper procedure was not followed in this matter.”

Chong was referring to the tragic deaths of Ahmad Apik, 35, and Edy Sathurrohman, 26, who drowned after jumping into the Klang river while trying to evade the Rela personnel.

“These people may be illegals, but they are still human beings,” he added.

Chong said the widows had decided to accompany their husband’s bodies to their hometown in Java and not return to Malaysia.

He also said residents of Old Klang Road’s 4th mile area had donated RM2,400 to the widows, both of whom had two young children.

Tuesday, December 20, 2005

Protesters denounce Police Violence (WTO)

Protesters denounce Police Violence

For immediate release

Released by Asian Migrant Centre (AMC), Joint Committee for Migrant Workers in Korea (JCMK) and Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA)

20th December 2005

Anti-WTO activists present at the December 17 standoff with the Hong Kong police outside the HKCEC denounce the heavy-handed tactics used to disperse an assembly of unarmed protesters.

"The December 17 protest has been publicized as a 'riot', when in fact most protesters were standing by, chanting, singing protest songs, and helping those injured," states Fr. Peter O'Neil of the Hope Workers Center in Taiwan, who was who was protesting as part of a group of 70 migrant workers activist. "The protest caused no disorder to the general public; no shops or private property were damaged. Only limited forceful confrontation occurred at police lines."

Though organizers and HK police had agreed on the route to be taken to the HKCEC, police blocked their passage at 5pm. In response, "a number of protestors tried to bypass police lines, and they were using their bodies to push against the riot shields," said another protester Christina DeFalco. "The police responded with pepper spray, spraying directly into the eyes of protesters, and hitting them with batons."

By-standers rushed to help those injured; some even stood between the police line and protesters, chanting in support of the protesters.

"Our objective was to march to the HKCEC designated protest area to have a peaceful sit-down rally," explains protest detainee, Kim Misun of the Joint Committee for Migrant Workers in Korea (JCMK). "We tried to shield ourselves against the pepper spray with flags attached to bamboo poles. As we were blinded by the pepper spray, some of us flung our poles towards the police."

Later, the police also used water cannons and teargas to disperse the crowd, including those not directly confronting the police. "I don't understand why the police targeted us with teargas, when we were simply staging a peaceful gathering?" questions DeFalco. She adds, "there was absolutely no warning given to us before they fired."

In contrast to the heavily armed police, the protesters were unarmed.

"I was surprised that the level of violence used against us by Hong Kong police was similar to the measures we saw in Korea under military dictatorship," states Kim. "I have hardly ever seen such violence used by Korean police since our country returned to a civilized government. The police here are clearly not used to protesters. Their lack of training was evident by their panicked and exaggerated response."

Shortly after the police fired teargas at 8.30pm, heavily armed riot police closed in on protesters from all sides. Many protesters complained they were not allowed to leave the protest area. Nurul Qoiriah, a marshal leading the migrants' groups, stated, "I tried to negotiate with the police to allow us to leave peacefully, as many of the migrant domestic workers had to return to work, but they refused to let us through. The police yelled at us to go the other direction, but we knew we had been blockaded on all sides."

Eventually, the migrants' group had to disband into small groups to slip through the police lines. Qoiriah adds, "By refusing to help and forcing us to disband our group, the police placed our safety at risk."

Local and international human rights organizations alike have denounced the Hong Kong police's response. "The tactics used by the Hong Kong police on December 17 were clearly out of line given the fact that all protesters were unarmed. The police, in contrast, were heavily armed with the most advanced anti-protest weapons, including tear-gas launching vehicles," asserts Asian Migrant Centre Executive Director, Rex Varona. "Our rights as protesters were curtailed through police action to block our protest and their subsequent heavy-handed tactics."

Charles Hector of the Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA), an Asia-wide migration advocacy network with 260 member organizations, comments that law enforcement agencies should be representative of and accountable to the community as a whole. "We were protesting in support of farmers and poor people across the world, including migrant workers, who have been adversely affected by WTO trade rules. Through its actions towards protesters on December 17, the Hong Kong government clearly showed its alliance with global corporate interests, rather than those of the world's working poor."

For more information or an interview, please contact Kim Misun in Seoul of the Joint Committee for Migrant Workers in Korea (JCMK) at (82 2) 312-1686 or misunatmumk.org, Sajida Ally of the Asian Migrant Centre (AMC) in Hong Kong at (852) 9802-3694 or sajidaatasian-migrants.org, or William Gois of the Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA) in Manila at (632) 433-3508 or mfaatpacfic.net.hk.

Sajida Ally
Programme Coordinator
Migrants Human Rights
9/F Lee Kong Commercial Building
115 Woosung Street
Kowloon, Hong Kong SAR

Tel: (852) 2312-0031
Fax: (852) 2992-0111
Email: sajidaatasian-migrants.org
http://www.asian-migrants.org