Friday, 13 January 2017 11:16am | |
The
Malaysian Bar is very perturbed by recent reports that the Malaysian
Anti-Corruption Commission (“MACC”)’s special operations division is
being downsized[1], six of its senior officers are being transferred,[2]
and its director Bahri Mohamad Zin has taken optional retirement,
reportedly due to his unhappiness over the alleged inaction in respect
of investigations into SRC International Sdn Bhd, a former subsidiary of
1MDB.[3] The division reportedly handled high-profile cases relating
to 1Malaysia Development Berhad (“1MDB”) and Federal Land Development
Authority (“FELDA”).
These
developments are disquieting because they reinforce the public
perception that although one-and-a-half years have passed since it was
revealed that funds of about USD700 million (approximately MYR2.7
billion) were transferred between private banks, offshore companies and
funds linked to 1MDB, and then deposited into the personal accounts of
the Prime Minister in AmIslamic Bank Berhad,[4] the authorities are
reluctant or unwilling to get to the bottom of the serious allegations
of financial impropriety concerning 1MDB, and bring action against those
guilty of any wrongdoing.
This
is in stark contrast to the developments in at least 11 countries —
Australia, British Virgin Islands, Hong Kong, Luxembourg, Saudi Arabia,
Seychelles, Singapore, Switzerland, United Arab Emirates, United States
of America, and Venezuela — where there have been investigations,
measures imposed on financial institutions, criminal prosecutions and
convictions, and proceedings for forfeiture of assets.
These
actions raise serious questions regarding the investigations that are
apparently being conducted in our own jurisdiction, and expose the lack
of transparency regarding the findings. It is indeed unsettling that no
one has yet been prosecuted in Malaysia for any of the allegations.
The
Auditor General[5] and the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament were
tasked with enquiring into the allegations of serious financial
impropriety concerning 1MDB. It is inexplicable that the Auditor
General’s report has been classified as an “official secret” under the
Official Secrets Act 1972 and is thereby prohibited from public
disclosure,[6] particularly in light of repeated assurances by the Prime
Minister that the report would be made public.[7] This purported
classification of the Auditor General’s report is being challenged in
court.[8]
The
Public Accounts Committee’s report, which was made public,
unequivocally calls on law enforcement agencies to carry out further
investigations on Datuk Shahrol Azral Ibrahim Halmi[9] — the then-Chief
Executive Officer of 1MDB — and others from the 1MDB management who are
implicated.
To
this end, the police have completed the first phase of investigations,
according to news reports.[10] The Inspector General of Police had said
that the investigations would involve interviewing persons overseas and
would require the mutual assistance of law enforcement agencies in those
foreign countries. There has been little or no subsequent information
on the purportedly ongoing police investigations.
It
has also been reported that our Attorney General has refused to accede
to a request from the Office of the Attorney General of Switzerland for
mutual assistance — notwithstanding earlier assurances by both the Prime
Minister and the Attorney General that Malaysia would cooperate with
investigations by both the United States and Swiss authorities.[11]
This
is a troubling development that does not bode well for our commitment —
as a State Party to the United Nations Convention against
Corruption[12] — to assist other States Parties to investigate and
prosecute crime and detain suspected criminals.
Further,
there appears to be an attempt to deny or restrict the flow of
information to Malaysian citizens on matters concerning the allegations
made against 1MDB. On 17 October 2016, the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat
reportedly decided that Ministers need not answer questions in
Parliament in relation to the complaint filed by the United States
Department of Justice,[13] citing the sub judice rule.[14] The
complaint is “to forfeit assets involved in and traceable to an
international conspiracy to launder money misappropriated from 1Malaysia
Development Berhad (“1MDB”)”.[15] Malaysians are surely entitled to
full disclosure of all available information pertaining to this
undoubtedly weighty public interest matter.
It
is difficult to see how proceedings in the United States could be
influenced by proceedings in the Malaysian Parliament. Moreover, our
High Court recently decided that, as a matter of general principle,
“debates on important public interest issues should not be stifled or be
readily sacrificed on the altar of sub judice.”[16] Thus, the sub judice
rule must not be used as a convenient cloak to conceal relevant
information concerning the Department of Justice’s serious allegations.
It
is alarming that the attitude of our authorities towards these grave
allegations appears to be one of indifference, which has fuelled
widespread concerns of complicity with the wrongdoers.
We
have witnessed the finding of guilt by the Sessions Court for charges
under the Official Secrets Act 1972 for the unauthorised possession of
page 98 of the Auditor General’s report, and for exposing the content of
the report at a media conference at Parliament.[17] This is despite
recurrent assurances that the Official Secrets Act 1972 was not meant to
cover up wrongdoing.[18]
This
series of events is troubling, as it portrays a government that
continues to operate in an environment in which freedom of information
is denied, transparency of governance is eschewed, and accountability to
the public is shirked. Such are the hallmarks of a mindset mired in
the past, where governments purport to decide what is good for the
people to know. This degree of condescension is antithetical to the
development of a mature democracy where the government serves — rather
than rules — the people.
We
should be mindful of the words of prominent Malaysian economist Jomo
Kwame Sundaram, who pointed to a deficit of confidence resulting from
the 1MDB scandal: “What is of concern is that over the last
one-and-a-half years or so, the ringgit has been steadily declining. . .
. There are many other factors behind it, including a loss of
confidence in the government as more and more revelations are made about
1MDB.”[19] The call for transparency and accountability in Malaysia
should not be regarded as merely a pious platitude, but a call to
protect our economic interests as well.
The
Malaysian Bar calls for a new paradigm of open, transparent, and
accountable governance, to eradicate corruption and affirm the rule of
law. We would do well to remember the words of Justice Louis Brandeis
who said, “If the broad light of day could be let in upon men’s actions,
it would purify them as the sun disinfects.”[20] The scandal
engulfing 1MDB must be resolved promptly and its wrongdoers prosecuted
to the fullest extent of the law, to restore confidence in the
administration of justice.
Steven Thiru
President
Malaysian Bar
13 January 2017
[1] “MACC division that probed SRC allegedly being downsized”, Malaysiakini, 30 December 2016.
[2] “Six MACC officers involved in SRC probe transferred”, Malaysiakini, 31 December 2016.
[3] “MACC denies Bahri resigned due to SRC International”, Free Malaysia Today, 3 January 2016.
[4] (a) “Malaysian Anticorruption Body to Look Into Flow of Money to Najib”, The Wall Street Journal, 3 July 2015;
(c) “SENSATIONAL FINDINGS! - Prime Minister Najib Razak’s Personal Accounts Linked To 1MDB Money Trail MALAYSIA EXCLUSIVE!”, Sarawak Report, 2 July 2015.
[5] “1MDB audit begins”, The Sun Daily, 10 March 2015.
[6] “
1MDB audit report ‘secret’ until tabled in Parliament”, Free Malaysia Today, 7 March 2016.
[7] “
Najib: Auditor-General will present full report on 1MDB”, Free Malaysia Today, 10 July 2015.
[8]
The Malaysian Bar is aware that this is the subject matter of a pending
judicial review action by Selangor Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) Dato’
Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali in the High Court.
[9] “
PUBLIC ACCOUNTS COMMITTEE (PAC)’s REPORT ON GOVERNANCE MANAGEMENT CONTROL OF 1MALAYSIA DEVELOPMENT BERHAD (1MDB)”, p97.
[10] (a) “
Special task force formed to investigate 1MDB: IGP”, The Sun Daily, 14 April 2016;
IGP: 1MDB probe progressing, foreign interviews starting soon”, Malay Mail Online, 21 July 2016; (c) “
IGP says in talks with AGC over 1MDB probe results”, Malay Mail Online, 19 August 2016; and
(d) “
1MDB: Police still looking for witnesses to help in probe – IGP”, Astro Awani, 20 October 2016.
[11] (a) “
Malaysia’s attorney general says will cooperate with Swiss counterparts on 1MDB probe”, Reuters, 30 January 2016;
Malaysia will cooperate with ‘lawful investigations’ of 1MDB, Najib’s office says”, CNBC, 20 July 2016; and
(c) “
PM says Malaysia will cooperate with U.S. investigation of 1MDB funds”, Reuters, 27 September 2016.
[12]
Malaysia signed the Convention on 9 December 2003, and ratified it on
24 September 2008. Switzerland signed it on 10 December 2003, and
ratified it on 24 September 2009. The Convention entered into force on
14 December 2005.
[13]
Civil suit document filed by the United States Department of Justice dated 20 July 2016 (“DOJ civil suit”).
[14] “
Pandikar: Subjudice to discuss DOJ lawsuit against 1MDB”, The Sun Daily, 17 October 2016.
[15] DOJ civil suit, para 5.
[16] Khairul Azwan Harun v Mohd Rafizi Ramli [2016] 6 CLJ 49, at para [33].
[17]
YB Rafizi Ramli, the Member of Parliament for Pandan, was sentenced to
18 months’ jail for each offence, to be served concurrently. The
Sessions Court granted a stay pending disposal of his appeal to the High
Court.
[18] “
Secrecy law not to cover up corruption or fraud, integrity minister says”, Malay Mail Online, 16 February 2016.
[19] “
Economist: Loss of confidence due to 1MDB dragging ringgit down”, Malaysiakini, 8 December 2016.
[20] Letter, Louis D Brandeis to Alice Goldmark (26 February 1891), in Louis D Brandeis, Letters of Louis D. Brandeis Volume I, 1870-1907, edited by Melvin I Urofsky and David W Levy (1971), p100.
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